Pronounce
the word artist, to conjure up the image of a solitary genius. A sacred aura
still attaches to the word, a sense of one in contact with the numinous. “He’s
an artist,” we’ll say in tones of reverence about an actor or musician or
director. “A true artist,” we’ll solemnly proclaim our favorite singer or
photographer, meaning someone who appears to dwell upon a higher plane. Vision,
inspiration, mysterious gifts as from above: such are some of the associations
that continue to adorn the word.
Yet the
notion of the artist as a solitary genius—so potent a cultural force, so
determinative, still, of the way we think of creativity in general—is decades
out of date. So out of date, in fact, that the model that replaced it is itself
already out of date. A new paradigm is emerging, and has been since about the
turn of the millennium, one that’s in the process of reshaping what artists
are: how they work, train, trade, collaborate, think of themselves and are
thought of—even what art is—just as the solitary-genius model did two centuries
ago. The new paradigm may finally destroy the very notion of “art” as such—that
sacred spiritual substance—which the older one created.
Before
we thought of artists as geniuses, we thought of them as artisans. The words,
by no coincidence, are virtually the same. Art itself derives from a root that
means to “join” or “fit together”—that is, to make or craft, a sense that
survives in phrases like the art of cooking and words like artful, in the sense
of “crafty.” We may think of Bach as a genius, but he thought of himself as an
artisan, a maker. Shakespeare wasn’t an artist, he was a poet, a denotation
that is rooted in another word for make. He was also a playwright, a term worth
pausing over. A playwright isn’t someone who writes plays; he is someone who
fashions them, like a wheelwright or shipwright.
A whole
constellation of ideas and practices accompanied this conception. Artists
served apprenticeships, like other craftsmen, to learn the customary methods
(hence the attributions one sees in museums: “workshop of Bellini” or “studio
of Rembrandt”). Creativity was prized, but credibility and value derived, above
all, from tradition. In a world still governed by a fairly rigid social
structure, artists were grouped with the other artisans, somewhere in the
middle or lower middle, below the merchants, let alone the aristocracy.
Individual practitioners could come to be esteemed—think of the Dutch
masters—but they were, precisely, masters, as in master craftsmen. The
distinction between art and craft, in short, was weak at best. Indeed, the very
concept of art as it was later understood—of Art—did not exist.
All of
this began to change in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, the period
associated with Romanticism: the age of Rousseau, Goethe, Blake, and Beethoven,
the age that taught itself to value not only individualism and originality but
also rebellion and youth. Now it was desirable and even glamorous to break the
rules and overthrow tradition—to reject society and blaze your own path. The
age of revolution, it was also the age of secularization. As traditional belief
became discredited, at least among the educated class, the arts emerged as the
basis of a new creed, the place where people turned to put themselves in touch
with higher truths.
Art rose
to its zenith of spiritual prestige, and the artist rose along with it. The
artisan became the genius: solitary, like a holy man; inspired, like a prophet;
in touch with the unseen, his consciousness bulging into the future. “The
priest departs,” said Whitman, “the divine literatus comes.” Art disentangled
itself from craft; the term fine arts, “those which appeal to the mind and the
imagination,” was first recorded in 1767.
“Art”
became a unitary concept, incorporating music, theater, and literature as well
as the visual arts, but also, in a sense, distinct from each, a kind of higher
essence available for philosophical speculation and cultural veneration. “Art
for art’s sake,” the aestheticist slogan, dates from the early 19th century. So
does Gesamtkunstwerk, the dream or ideal, so precious to Wagner, of the “total
work of art.” By the modernist moment, a century later, the age of Picasso,
Joyce, and Stravinsky, the artist stood at the pinnacle of status, too, a
cultural aristocrat with whom the old aristocrats—or at any rate the most
advanced among them—wanted nothing more than to associate.
It is
hardly any wonder that the image of the artist as a solitary genius—so noble,
so enviable, so pleasant an object of aspiration and projection—has kept its
hold on the collective imagination. Yet it was already obsolescent more than
half a century ago. After World War II in particular, and in America
especially, art, like all religions as they age, became institutionalized. We
were the new superpower; we wanted to be a cultural superpower as well. We
founded museums, opera houses, ballet companies, all in unprecedented numbers:
the so-called culture boom. Arts councils, funding bodies, educational
programs, residencies, magazines, awards—an entire bureaucratic apparatus.
As art
was institutionalized, so, inevitably, was the artist. The genius became the
professional. Now you didn’t go off to Paris and hole up in a garret to produce
your masterpiece, your Les Demoiselles d’Avignon or Ulysses, and wait for the
world to catch up with you. Like a doctor or lawyer, you went to graduate
school—M.F.A. programs were also proliferating—and then tried to find a
position. That often meant a job, typically at a college or university—writers
in English departments, painters in art schools (higher ed was also
booming)—but it sometimes simply meant an affiliation, as with an orchestra or
theater troupe. Saul Bellow went to Paris in 1948, where he began The
Adventures of Augie March, but he went on a Guggenheim grant, and he came from
an assistant professorship.
The
training was professional, and so was the work it produced. Expertise—or, in
the mantra of the graduate programs, “technique”—not inspiration or tradition,
became the currency of aesthetic authority. The artist-as-genius could
sometimes pretend that his work was tossed off in a sacred frenzy, but no
self-respecting artist-as-professional could afford to do likewise. They had to
be seen to be working, and working hard (the badge of professional virtue), and
it helped if they could explain to laypeople—deans, donors, journalists—what it
was that they were doing.
The
artist’s progress, in the postwar model, was also professional. You didn’t
burst from obscurity to celebrity with a single astonishing work. You slowly
climbed the ranks. You accumulated credentials. You amassed a résumé. You sat
on the boards and committees, collected your prizes and fellowships. It was
safer than the solitary-genius thing, but it was also a lot less exciting, and
it is no surprise that artists were much less apt to be regarded now as sages
or priests, much more likely to be seen as just another set of knowledge
workers. Spiritual aristocracy was sacrificed for solid socioeconomic
upper-middle-class-ness.
Artisan,
genius, professional: underlying all these models is the market. In blunter
terms, they’re all about the way that you get paid. If the artisanal paradigm
predates the emergence of modern capitalism—the age of the artisan was the age
of the patron, with the artist as, essentially, a sort of feudal dependent—the
paradigms of genius and professional were stages in the effort to adjust to it.
In the
former case, the object was to avoid the market and its sullying entanglements,
or at least to appear to do so. Spirit stands opposed to flesh, to filthy
lucre. Selling was selling out. Artists, like their churchly forebears, were
meant to be unworldly. Some, like Picasso and Rilke, had patrons, but under
very different terms than did the artisans, since the privilege was weighted in
the artist’s favor now, leaving many fewer strings attached. Some, like Proust
and Elizabeth Bishop, had money to begin with. And some, like Joyce and van
Gogh, did the most prestigious thing and starved—which also often meant
sponging, extracting gifts or “loans” from family or friends that amounted to a
kind of sacerdotal tax, equivalent to the tithes exacted by priests or alms
relied upon by monks.
Professionalism
represents a compromise formation, midway between the sacred and the secular. A
profession is not a vocation, in the older sense of a “calling,” but it also
isn’t just a job; something of the priestly clings to it. Against the values of
the market, the artist, like other professionals, maintained a countervailing
set of standards and ideals—beauty, rigor, truth—inherited from the previous
paradigm. Institutions served to mediate the difference, to cushion artists,
ideologically, economically, and psychologically, from the full force of the
marketplace.
Some
artists did enter the market, of course, especially those who worked in the
“low” or “popular” forms. But even they had mediating figures—publishing
companies, movie studios, record labels; agents, managers, publicists, editors,
producers—who served to shield creators from the market’s logic. Corporations
functioned as a screen; someone else, at least, was paid to think about the
numbers. Publishers or labels also sometimes played an actively benevolent
role: funding the rest of the list with a few big hits, floating promising
beginners while their talent had a chance to blossom, even subsidizing the
entire enterprise, as James Laughlin did for years at New Directions.
There
were overlaps, of course, between the different paradigms—long transitions, mixed
and marginal cases, anticipations and survivals. The professional model remains
the predominant one. But we have entered, unmistakably, a new transition, and
it is marked by the final triumph of the market and its values, the removal of
the last vestiges of protection and mediation. In the arts, as throughout the
middle class, the professional is giving way to the entrepreneur, or, more
precisely, the “entrepreneur”: the “self-employed” (that sneaky oxymoron), the
entrepreneurial self.
The
institutions that have undergirded the existing system are contracting or
disintegrating. Professors are becoming adjuncts. Employees are becoming
independent contractors (or unpaid interns). Everyone is in a budget squeeze:
downsizing, outsourcing, merging, or collapsing. Now we’re all supposed to be
our own boss, our own business: our own agent; our own label; our own
marketing, production, and accounting departments. Entrepreneurialism is being
sold to us as an opportunity. It is, by and large, a necessity. Everybody
understands by now that nobody can count on a job.
Still,
it also is an opportunity. The push of institutional disintegration has
coincided with the pull of new technology. The emerging culture of creative
entrepreneurship predates the Web—its roots go back to the 1960s—but the Web
has brought it an unprecedented salience. The Internet enables you to promote,
sell, and deliver directly to the user, and to do so in ways that allow you to
compete with corporations and institutions, which previously had a virtual
monopoly on marketing and distribution. You can reach potential customers at a
speed and on a scale that would have been unthinkable when pretty much the only
means were word of mouth, the alternative press, and stapling handbills to
telephone poles.
Everybody
gets this: every writer, artist, and musician with a Web site (that is, every
writer, artist, and musician). Bands hawk their CDs online. Documentarians take
to Kickstarter to raise money for their projects. The comedian Louis CK,
selling unprotected downloads of his stand-up show, has tested a nascent distribution
model. “Just get your name out there,” creative types are told. There seems to
be a lot of building going on: you’re supposed to build your brand, your
network, your social-media presence. Creative entrepreneurship is spawning its
own institutional structure—online marketplaces, self-publishing platforms,
nonprofit incubators, collaborative spaces—but the fundamental relationship
remains creator-to-customer, with creators handling or superintending every
aspect of the transaction.
So what
will all this mean for artists and for art? For training, for practice, for the
shape of the artistic career, for the nature of the artistic community, for the
way that artists see themselves and are seen by the public, for the standards
by which art is judged and the terms by which it is defined? These are new
questions, open questions, questions no one is equipped as yet to answer. But
it’s not too early to offer a few preliminary observations.
Creative
entrepreneurship, to start with what is most apparent, is far more interactive,
at least in terms of how we understand the word today, than the model of the
artist-as-genius, turning his back on the world, and even than the model of the
artist as professional, operating within a relatively small and stable set of
relationships. The operative concept today is the network, along with the verb
that goes with it, networking. A Gen‑X graphic-artist friend has told me
that the young designers she meets are no longer interested in putting in their
10,000 hours. One reason may be that they recognize that 10,000 hours is less
important now than 10,000 contacts.
A
network, I should note, is not the same as what used to be known as a
circle—or, to use a term important to the modernists, a coterie. The truth is
that the geniuses weren’t really quite as solitary as advertised. They also
often came together—think of the Bloomsbury Group—in situations of intense,
sustained creative ferment. With the coterie or circle as a social form, from
its conversations and incitements, came the movement as an intellectual
product: impressionism, imagism, futurism.
But the
network is a far more diffuse phenomenon, and the connections that it typically
entails are far less robust. A few days here, a project there, a correspondence
over e‑mail. A contact is not a collaborator. Coleridge, for Wordsworth, was
not a contact; he was a partner, a comrade, a second self. It is hard to
imagine that kind of relationship, cultivated over countless uninterrupted
encounters, developing in the age of the network. What kinds of relationships
will develop, and what they will give rise to, remains to be seen.
No
longer interested in putting in their 10,000 hours: under all three of the old
models, an artist was someone who did one thing—who trained intensively in one
discipline, one tradition, one set of tools, and who worked to develop one
artistic identity. You were a writer, or a painter, or a choreographer. It is
hard to think of very many figures who achieved distinction in more than one
genre—fiction and poetry, say—let alone in more than one art. Few even
attempted the latter (Gertrude Stein admonished Picasso for trying to write
poems), and almost never with any success.
But one
of the most conspicuous things about today’s young creators is their tendency
to construct a multiplicity of artistic identities. You’re a musician and a
photographer and a poet; a storyteller and a dancer and a designer—a
multiplatform artist, in the term one sometimes sees. Which means that you
haven’t got time for your 10,000 hours in any of your chosen media. But
technique or expertise is not the point. The point is versatility. Like any
good business, you try to diversify.
What we
see in the new paradigm—in both the artist’s external relationships and her
internal creative capacity—is what we see throughout the culture: the
displacement of depth by breadth. Is that a good thing or a bad thing? No doubt
some of both, in a ratio that’s yet to be revealed. What seems more clear is
that the new paradigm is going to reshape the way that artists are trained. One
recently established M.F.A. program in Portland, Oregon, is conducted under the
rubric of “applied craft and design.” Students, drawn from a range of
disciplines, study entrepreneurship as well as creative practice. Making, the
program recognizes, is now intertwined with selling, and artists need to train
in both—a fact reflected in the proliferation of dual M.B.A./M.F.A. programs.
The new
paradigm is also likely to alter the shape of the ensuing career. Just as
everyone, we’re told, will have five or six jobs, in five or six fields, during
the course of their working life, so will the career of the multiplatform,
entrepreneurial artist be more vagrant and less cumulative than under the
previous models. No climactic masterwork of deep maturity, no King Lear or
Faust, but rather many shifting interests and directions as the winds of market
forces blow you here or there.
Works of
art, more centrally and nakedly than ever before, are becoming commodities,
consumer goods. Jeff Bezos, as a patron, is a very different beast than James
Laughlin. Now it’s every man for himself, every tub on its own bottom. Now it’s
not an audience you think of addressing; it’s a customer base. Now you’re only
as good as your last sales quarter.
It’s
hard to believe that the new arrangement will not favor work that’s safer: more
familiar, formulaic, user-friendly, eager to please—more like entertainment,
less like art. Artists will inevitably spend a lot more time looking over their
shoulder, trying to figure out what the customer wants rather than what they
themselves are seeking to say. The nature of aesthetic judgment will itself be
reconfigured. “No more gatekeepers,” goes the slogan of the Internet apostles.
Everyone’s opinion, as expressed in Amazon reviews and suchlike, carries equal
weight—the democratization of taste.
Judgment
rested with the patron, in the age of the artisan. In the age of the
professional, it rested with the critic, a professionalized aesthete or
intellectual. In the age of the genius, which was also the age of avant-gardes,
of tremendous experimental energy across the arts, it largely rested with
artists themselves. “Every great and original writer,” Wordsworth said, “must
himself create the taste by which he is to be relished.”
But now
we have come to the age of the customer, who perforce is always right. Or as a
certain legendary entertainer is supposed to have put it, “There’s a sucker
born every minute.” Another word for gatekeepers is experts. Lord knows they
have their problems, beginning with arrogance, but there is one thing you can
say for them: they’re not quite so easily fooled. When the Modern Library asked
its editorial board to select the 100 best novels of the 20th century, the top
choice was Ulysses. In a companion poll of readers, it was Atlas Shrugged. We
recognize, when it comes to food (the new summit of cultural esteem), that
taste must be developed by a long exposure, aided by the guidance of
practitioners and critics. About the arts we own to no such modesties. Prizes
belong to the age of professionals. All we’ll need to measure merit soon is the
best-seller list.
The
democratization of taste, abetted by the Web, coincides with the
democratization of creativity. The makers have the means to sell, but everybody
has the means to make. And everybody’s using them. Everybody seems to fancy
himself a writer, a musician, a visual artist. Apple figured this out a long
time ago: that the best way to sell us its expensive tools is to convince us
that we all have something unique and urgent to express.
“Producerism,”
we can call this, by analogy with consumerism. What we’re now persuaded to
consume, most conspicuously, are the means to create. And the democratization
of taste ensures that no one has the right (or inclination) to tell us when our
work is bad. A universal grade inflation now obtains: we’re all swapping
A-minuses all the time, or, in the language of Facebook, “likes.”
It is
often said today that the most-successful businesses are those that create
experiences rather than products, or create experiences (environments,
relationships) around their products. So we might also say that under
producerism, in the age of creative entrepreneurship, producing becomes an
experience, even the experience. It becomes a lifestyle, something that is
packaged as an experience—and an experience, what’s more, after the
contemporary fashion: networked, curated, publicized, fetishized, tweeted,
catered, and anything but solitary, anything but private.
Among
the most notable things about those Web sites that creators now all feel
compelled to have is that they tend to present not only the work, not only the
creator (which is interesting enough as a cultural fact), but also the
creator’s life or lifestyle or process. The customer is being sold, or at least
sold on or sold through, a vicarious experience of production.
Creator:
I’m not sure that artist even makes sense as a term anymore, and I wouldn’t be
surprised to see it giving way before the former, with its more generic meaning
and its connection to that contemporary holy word, creative. Joshua Wolf
Shenk’s Powers of Two, last summer’s modish book on creativity, puts Lennon and
McCartney with Jobs and Wozniak. A recent cover of this very magazine touted
“Case Studies in Eureka Moments,” a list that started with Hemingway and ended
with Taco Bell.
When
works of art become commodities and nothing else, when every endeavor becomes
“creative” and everybody “a creative,” then art sinks back to craft and artists
back to artisans—a word that, in its adjectival form, at least, is newly
popular again. Artisanal pickles, artisanal poems: what’s the difference, after
all? So “art” itself may disappear: art as Art, that old high thing.
Which—unless, like me, you think we need a vessel for our inner life—is nothing
much to mourn.
The
Death of the Artist—and the Birth of the Creative Entrepreneur. By William Deresiewicz. The Atlantic, January/February 2015.
William Deresiewicz
is an award-winning essayist and critic who has written a new book : The Death
of the Artist: How Creators Are Struggling to Survive in the Age of
Billionaires. The book warns that the
art we all love – music, books, films and much more – is in jeopardy. Based on
deep research and interviews with artists and content creators, Bill is worried
that the digital economy isn’t supporting that art that sustains our souls, and
that we are in the middle of a big transformation.
In this
conversation with Bart Campolo, Bill talks about art as a secular religion,
“humanities-based spirituality”, the “Darwinian attention derby”, the mythology
of the artist as lazy or entitled, the discouragement many creators face
against pursuing their art, the small percentage of artists who are making a true
living at it, the death of the arts as a harbinger of a larger death, of
dignified work and the middle class, how the big tech platforms make money from
artists’ creations, how fixing this problem could help address some of our
other problems like a lack of diversity and representation, and the idea that
we should feel a responsibility to content creators.
Bart Campolo , September 10, 2020.
Early in
his new book, The Death of the Artist:
How Creators Are Struggling to Survive in the Age of Billionaires and Big Tech,
William Deresiewicz relates two stories often told about the arts today. From
Silicon Valley and its boosters, we hear: “There’s never been a better time to
be an artist.” Anyone can easily market their own music, books, or films
online, drum up a thousand true fans, and enjoy a decent living. We see proof
of this, time and again, in profiles of bold creators who got tired of waiting
to be chosen, took to the web, and saw their work go viral.
The
artists tell another tale. Yes, you can produce and post your work more easily,
but so can everyone else. Every year, every major venue — SoundCloud, Kindle
Store, Sundance — is inundated with thousands if not millions of songs, books,
and films, but most sink like a stone. Of the 6,000,000 books in the US Kindle
Store, the “overwhelming majority” of which are self-published, “68 percent
sell fewer than two copies a month.” Only about 2,000 US Kindle Store authors
earn more than $25,000 per year. Spotify features roughly 2,000,000 artists
worldwide, but less than four percent of them garner 95 percent of the streams.
The pie has been “pulverized into a million tiny crumbs.” We may now have “universal
access” to the audience, but “at the price of universal impoverishment.”
Deresiewicz
is a literary critic and author of a provocative earlier book on higher
education in the United States, Excellent Sheep: The Miseducation of the
American Elite and the Way to a Meaningful Life. He made his first foray into
the debate about the plight of artists in The Atlantic in 2015, but declined at
the time to endorse either of the two narratives set out above. In that essay,
he framed the debate itself as symptomatic of a deeper shift on the artistic
horizon. Creators are becoming unmoored from the institutions that have long
made their careers possible, he argued, as publishers, labels, studios, and
colleges are now “contracting or disintegrating.” Left to fend for themselves
in the marketplace, artists have been forced to practice “creative
entrepreneurship,” with less time to spend building an oeuvre or perfecting
their technique, and more time to be spent on networking and self-promoting.
User reviews and recommendation engines matter more to them than critical
opinion. Their work tends to be tamer, safer, more “formulaic” — “more like
entertainment, less like art.” More broadly, this new breed of artist is
compelled to feel good about all the internet makes possible, and to ignore the
fact that few have managed to capitalize on it. In 2015, the future under the
new paradigm was not encouraging. But it seemed too soon to pass judgment.
Having
gathered copious evidence for the book, Deresiewicz now stands firmly against
the model of the creative entrepreneur. Based on some 140 phone interviews with
creators across a number of fields, and ample studies and reports, the book
urges us to dismiss the Silicon Valley narrative as pure “propaganda.” It is a
persuasive and thoroughly engaging read. Deresiewicz is not a pioneer in this
terrain — Scott Timberg’s Culture Crash: The Killing of the Creative Class and
Jonathan Taplin’s Move Fast and Break Things: How Facebook, Google, and Amazon
Cornered Culture and Undermined Democracy cover much of the same ground. But
Deresiewicz takes a closer look at artists’ lives and careers, presenting a
bleak composite picture that anyone with creative aspirations must confront.
All but the most popular creators, he makes clear, face new and daunting
obstacles, pointing to a future in which more artists will do more of their
work as part-time amateurs. Final chapters try to brighten the picture somewhat
with encouraging words about organizing and advocating for IP reform. But the
book leaves unclear the answer to a larger question: is the aspiration to
become a full-time writer, filmmaker, or musician — no matter how earnestly
held — now essentially obsolete?
It has
always been hard to make a living in the arts; what is new, Deresiewicz
contends, is that even moderately successful artists — who publish, show, or
perform frequently — often struggle to lead a middle-class life. Revenue for
most creators is falling: the Authors Guild, for example, reported a drop in
the writing income of American authors from 2009 to 2015 by an average of 30
percent. When distribution moved online, the middle of the artistic earning
spectrum collapsed. This runs contrary to the early optimism of figures like
former Wired editor Chris Anderson, who saw a bright future for less popular
artists. Free of the spatial constraints of brick and mortar retail, selling
books and music online would lead to a flatter distribution curve. Rather than
a graph showing a sharp curve with most sales going to the top 100 or so
artists, the net would lead to a graph with sales dispersed more gradually over
millions of artists — leading to a long tail. But as Deresiewicz makes clear,
this hasn’t happened. The net didn’t feed a long tail of content consumption;
it just made the head of the curve a lot taller. In the 1980s, 80 percent of
music album revenue went to the top 20 percent of content. Now it goes to the
top one percent. Deresiewicz reveals a similar pattern across the arts: many of
the people he interviewed earned from $20,000 to $30,000 a year, “if not less.”
The more successful earned from $40,000 to $70,000, “but not more.”
Artists
have lost income because content has been “demonetized.” Putting so much music,
text, and video online has rendered much of it worthless, due to piracy or
sheer, superfluous abundance. Publishers, labels, and studios all face falling
revenues, resulting in ever smaller advances and marketing budgets. Television,
having resisted demonetization, is the one bright exception to the trend. Netflix,
HBO, and other platforms support a thriving culture of middle-class creators —
standing out, for Deresiewicz, as the exception that proves the rule.
Chapters
on rent, space, and time show how much harder it is to sustain a full-time
living as an artist, alone or in close proximity to others. Median rent in the
United States is up about 42 percent, adjusted for inflation, since 2000. Not a
single person Deresiewicz spoke with was “living decently in a market-rate
apartment in a major city on their earnings as an artist.” Artists can no
longer afford “to live where artists live.” Nor can many get by without support
from parents or partners. “The only way the current model works,” the author
was often told, “is if you are young, healthy and childless.” Many of the
profiles in the book portray artists living in extreme frugality, often in
cramped quarters, in smaller cities or towns, compelled to spend much of their
time on menial day jobs and side hustles. Not surprisingly, as one observed,
“most people burn out after ten years.”
Deresiewicz
devotes chapters to the situation in each of the arts, with the common theme
being the takeover of winner-take-all economics. Musicians, for their part,
never recovered from digitization. With file sharing having taught a generation
to expect music for free, first musicians and then labels surrendered to
streaming services — fearing no revenue at all. Yet streaming fees, now the
main source of income in music, are tiny — on Spotify, fractions of a penny per
stream; on YouTube, between $700 and $6,000 per million views, a number that
few artists reach. “Nowhere is the long tail thinner or the fat head fatter
than in music.” Ninety percent of subscription fees go to the “megastars in the
head.” The top 0.1 percent of artists take 50 percent of album sales, with
“similar numbers for downloads and streaming.” Musicians are left “scrambling”
to find other means to make a living. Live performances support some, but in
2017, 60 percent of that income went to the top one percent.
The
writing scene is equally grim. With 39 percent fewer books sold in US stores
between 2007 and 2017, and fewer books reviewed in prominent venues, publishers
have lost control over marketing. Mid-list and early career authors receive far
less support. Now that 67 percent of books in the United States are sold online
— with Amazon alone scooping up 40 percent of print books and 80 percent of
ebooks — authors are at the mercy of mysterious algorithms for discovery and
promotion. Flying solo, once the great authorial hope, has turned out to be a
dead end. Since 2008, Deresiewicz notes, 7,000,000 books have been
self-published in the United States. “All but a tiny fraction reach essentially
no readers and earn essentially no money.” Economic inequality in the visual
arts is even more extreme. Only 10 percent of BFA, MFA, or PhD arts grads in
the United States earn a “primary living” in the field. In 2018, “just twenty
individuals accounted for 64 percent of total sales by living artists.”
Where,
then, are we headed? In one of the book’s most illuminating chapters,
Deresiewicz draws on the work of cultural historians Larry Shiner (The
Invention of Art: A Cultural History) and Howard Singerman (Art Subjects:
Making Artists in the American University), among others, to place the current
upheavals in artistic creation within a longer history — one showing how models
of production tend to have short shelf lives, and why creators of the near
future may have more in common with their more commercially driven, artisanal
ancestors of the past.
In the
early modern age, da Vinci, Shakespeare, and Bach were just that: artisans or
craftspeople who apprenticed to learn traditional methods and strove, with the
support of a patron, to become masters. They worked primarily for a commercial
purpose and didn’t quibble over the distinction between art and craft.
Citing
Raymond Williams, Deresiewicz pinpoints the birth of our present conception of
art in the second half of the 18th century, the age of Romanticism and Revolution,
when the phrase “fine arts” emerged. Rather than imitating tradition, artists
now sought to express an inner truth, reflecting a wider embrace of
individuality, rebellion, and youth — a trend that Deresiewicz connects to the
rise of democracy and self-government. In the 19th century, the cultured
bourgeois would come to revere the artist as a solitary, expressive genius, a
bohemian prophet and visionary, culminating in the esoteric modernism of
Picasso, Joyce, and Stravinsky. By this point, works of art gained in monetary
value, but artists often sought to cultivate an air of independence from the
market.
The
artist as genius was displaced not by the emerging entrepreneurial model, but
by the artist as professional, a model born in the culture boom that followed
World War II. A host of new institutions — museums, theaters, orchestras, and
universities — gave the creator a safe and steady perch. No longer a wandering
bohemian seeking inspiration, the artist was now a credentialed professional
striving, over many years, books, films, and albums, to perfect their
technique. Typically, a tenured professor, a staff writer, or a musician
attached to a record label, the creator enjoyed commercial success, but strove
for critical acclaim.
Deresiewicz
paints each of these paradigms with a broad brush — conceding that there are
exceptional or overlapping figures and works in each period. But the sketch
supports his larger point that in all three paradigms, artists were sheltered
from the market by an external source. Now, he argues, we’re moving
“unmistakably” into a new dispensation “marked by the final triumph of the
market” and “the removal of the last vestiges of protection and mediation.” As
the institutions supporting the professional model “disintegrate” — as
professors become adjuncts, and publishers, galleries, and studios downsize or
die off — a further aspect of all three models is also being left behind: the
ability to devote the bulk of one’s time to art. For Deresiewicz, “[g]reat art,
even good art, relies on the existence of individuals who are able to devote
the lion’s share of their energy to producing it — in other words
professionals.”
But
conditions today favor the amateur. They favor “speed, brevity, and repetition;
novelty but also recognizability.” Artists no longer have the time nor the
space to “cultivate an inner stillness or focus”; no time for the “slow build.”
Creators need to cater to the market’s demand for constant and immediate
engagement, for “flexibility, versatility, and extroversion.” As a result,
“irony, complexity, and subtlety are out; the game is won by the brief, the
bright, the loud, and the easily grasped.”
The
change underway is clearly part of a larger cultural transition, involving more
than just the arts. But Deresiewicz singles out Silicon Valley as a main
culprit: he cites Taplin’s estimate that between 2004 and 2015, creators lost
roughly $50 billion in annual revenue to the major tech platforms. They did so
largely, Deresiewicz contends, by abetting piracy. Lawmakers could curtail this
to some degree, by forcing Google, YouTube, and Facebook to allow creators to
remove infringing content. But the big players continually resist because
“[p]iracy is just too lucrative for them.” Ultimately, Deresiewicz argues that
government should break up these monopolies; it should hinder their tendency to
“flout the law, to dictate terms, to smother competition, to control debate, to
shape legislation, to determine price.”
As with
so many works of nonfiction that deliver bad news, the obligatory “what is to
be done” segment at the end of the book fails to stir much enthusiasm.
Deresiewicz asserts, correctly, “we’re not ‘going back’ to anything” — then
urges creators to join advocacy groups like CreativeFuture or the Authors
Guild, and to lobby for copyright and IP reform. Yet it’s hard to tell how the
goal here is different from trying to turn back the clock. As Deresiewicz
concedes, his proposals are “plainly incommensurate with the scale of the
overall problem.”
They are
indeed. The digital genie won’t be put back in the bottle. Big tech might be
reined in on certain fronts, but it won’t be abolished or broken up. Nor can we
expect labels, studios, publishers, or colleges to play the same supportive
role they once did. Some see signs of hope, for some forms of creative
endeavor, in the rise of paid subscriptions. But the evidence in The Death of
the Artist is copious and inescapable on the most crucial fact about art in the
present age that won’t change: when creative work is sold online, sales are
radically unequal, following drastic power-law distributions. No matter how
many people subscribe, no matter how aggressively Big Tech comes to be
governed, selling art, music, or books in a digital world will always entail a
lion’s share of the proceeds flowing into the pockets of a small few.
Deresiewicz
shies away from putting it starkly, but the lesson is clear: a career on the
older professional model — a gradual build to a moderate critical success — is
only viable at this point for those who can support themselves for the long
haul. A dwindling few will manage to do this by landing a perch at a magazine,
a studio, a university. And so the model may not be entirely obsolete at
present. But, aside from television, the book points to a future of creative
production involving more work being done by amateurs, more done as a hobby, a
passion project, a side gig — whatever that might mean for “great or even just
good art.” Beyond that, who can say?
Not a
month goes by when I do not have a conversation with a young artist about how a
career in the arts seems unsustainable. As the executive director of an arts
service organization, Boston Dance Allliance, which provides information and
resources for dancers across genres, I recognize their precarity: the hustle of
piecing together a portfolio of gigs, writing replicative grant and residency
applications, the time spent wondering wistfully whether they would be more
successful if they pulled up stakes and moved somewhere else. As one
choreographer recently told me, living from grant to grant and gig to gig turns
into a cycle of “produce, rinse, and repeat.” The shiny, celebrity-heavy top of
the arts pyramid reveals itself as the place where First Ladies pen
bestsellers, where pop stars have their grocery shopping reported on in the
years between hits, and where Oscar winners tell billions of people watching a
telecast not to give up on their dreams. Yet even as artists throw in the towel
or, in this pandemic time, are laid off from even endowment-rich, stable
institutions such as museums and orchestras, there is no scarcity of aspiring,
well-trained, and gifted artists to line up behind them. A livelihood in the
arts resembles a lottery with particularly dismal odds.
William
Deresiewicz has been listening to those conversations, aware that this is more
than a crisis about building and sustaining the pipeline for young people
entering the field. Current economic structures in the American cultural sector
manifest an ever-receding horizon for artists of every age and in every
discipline. Late 20th- and early 21st-century corporate consolidation and the
ideology that “information must be free” on the internet – an argument made
primarily by software developers who were cushioned by comfortable “knowledge
work” salaries – has dislodged any expectation of security, even for people who
were previously able to make a living in the cultural sector. Changing
expectation fuels Deresiewicz’s alternating fury and discouragement, and a
certain amount of snark. He wrote this book to understand what happened.
Early on
in his volume, Deresiewicz tells a rhetorical lie. “Art is work. The fact that
people do it out of love, or self-expression, or political commitment doesn’t
make it any less so. Nor does the fact that it isn’t a job, a matter of formal
employment. Chefs often do what they do out of love, but no one expects to eat
for free.… Even if you do not have a boss, it’s work. If art is work, then
artists are workers. No one likes to hear this.”
This
statement is a rhetorical lie – or maybe a plea to “please read my book, I have
another 300+ pages to go” — because Deresiewicz will spend much of The Death of
the Artist describing how many artists have been clear for decades that they
are cultural workers. (The phrase, with its proletarian perfume, is coming back
into vogue.)
Artists
are workers and want to be paid for their work. They are tired of being told
that artists will find a way to do what they love no matter what conditions
they find themselves in, and that they should be grateful for “exposure.”
Exposure doesn’t pay the bills and frankly, it rarely translates into paid
work, despite what you may have read about YouTube sensations being scooped up
for HBO specials or to join sit-com writers’ rooms. (Ok, I love Randy Rainbow’s
fabulous anti-Trump musical theater parodies too, but getting that famous and
being able to parlay it into a living is the exception that proves the rule.)
Many
artists are burdened with loans for art school or conservatory educations that
did not adequately equip them to be self-employed businesspeople, although this
is changing. A number of outside foundations and arts service organizations
like mine have tried to fill the breach with technical assistance and
encouragement. While some young artists have their sights set on becoming Oscar
winners or Patti Smith, I’ll wager that most of them want to be able to do
their work and live in coastal cities on middle-class incomes and even support
a child or two. That version of the American dream increasingly looks
delusional.
No one
“deserves” to be paid to make art. Working for oneself, on projects one
determines, is a luxury and a privilege. But Deresiewicz makes the salient
point that in a market economy, artists should be able to get paid for doing
things other people love. (That’s the way it worked when Michaelangelo labored
for Pope Julius II.)
The
money being made in the cultural sector isn’t being made by artists. It is
being made by digital platforms and corporate conglomerates. These are
deliberate transfers of wealth, not unintended consequences. Deresiewicz
describes these extractive structural realignments in a series of case studies
of musicians, writers, visual artists, and filmmakers. (He leaves out theater
and dance professionals, perhaps because the impact of corporate consolidation
and the impact of the internet are harder to ascertain in these resolutely
ephemeral – and outside commercial theater and Broadway, not particularly
remunerative — activities.)
Music in
the 20th century, especially the world of pop music, was dominated by
exploitative and often racist studios where artists traded contracts with
labels for marketing and distribution clout. Now, Deresiewicz argues,
“streaming is a protection racket: if the labels didn’t make their music
available for free, people would steal it anyway.” Spotify and YouTube streams
don’t add up to much income, with streams paying the artists from pennies to
fractions of pennies. “A paltry million streams will only get you between $300
and $6,000,” he writes. To make matters even more unbalanced, the top 0.1
percent of artists were responsible for more than 50 percent of analog and
digital sales. Touring might have made up for some of the losses, even in a
more crowded field, but during the pandemic that is impossible. Almost no one
has figured out how to monetize virtual shows in a way that makes up for ticket
and merch revenues that a musician would earn in a club, theater, or stadium.
He doesn’t say so, but Gofundme and other crowdsourcing strategies are just the
current virtual incarnation of rent parties and getting by with help from your
friends.
Amazon
is the publishing sector villain. If you didn’t know the word monopsony before
reading this book, you will by the time you close its covers. Because Amazon
had investors willing to let the company run at a loss for 20 years, Jeff Bezos
was able to undercut prices, first to publishers and then to suppliers in every
other retail category. Then Amazon delivered the Kindle and cut the royalties
even deeper for ebooks. What authors and publishers realized too late was that
creating the “infinite bookshelf” was never the point: collecting data on “a
customer base of affluent, well-educated customers (the Whole Foods
demographic, we might call them),” was.
The
impact on publishing has been immense. Where in an earlier era blockbusters
might pay for mid-list literary fiction, the ability for publishers to take
chances is curtailed. Add to that outright piracy (read: Google books). In a
painful bit of irony, authors routinely discover that their in-copyright books
and articles are being offered online for free without their permission when
they receive a Google alert. The Authors’ Guild, of which I am a member,
surveyed its members – by definition, all published writers – and between 2009
and 2015 saw writing-related income decline by an average of 30 percent.
In the
world of galleries and museums, visual artists can make a killing, but it’s
winner-take-all. In 2018 just 20 individuals accounted for 64 percent of total
sales by living artists. The activist group BFAMFAPhD noted that art school
graduates in New York who work full time at their craft have median incomes of
$25,000. The art world may have “climbed aboard the roller coaster of finance
capitalism” with canvases and sculptures being bought as tangible investments
and put aside in storage for the time when a promising talent is recognized as
a master and generates a return, but galleries, and the curation they
represent, have consolidated. No wonder you can go to any contemporary art
museum in this country and see the same “hot” talents on rotation.
Film and
television, the most systematically “commercial” of the cultural forms The
Death of the Artist considers, encompasses a number of business models and
opportunities for artists – actors, directors, writers and the allied technical
staff that support this industry – and so is harder for Deresiewicz to pin
down. Still, the numbers of people who want to participate in the field and
those who make it, even to film festivals or niche distribution is incredibly
small. SXSW receives 3,000 feature films annually, of which the festival takes
130. While the explosion of channels and platforms create demands for more and
more content – which is why A List actors now find themselves competing for
Emmys – visibility through companies such as Netflix, Amazon, or HBO becomes
more important than ever.
So
making a living in the arts is hard. The squeeze is not just bad for the
artists and for their publics; it reinforces social inequity. The dirty secret
of the arts sector is that we are moving toward – or already in — a situation
where the only people who have the time and space to commit themselves to
making art are the young, who tend to be willing to live with roommates and
forgo any number of material comforts, and people of independent means, who are
supported by trust funds or family members.
Arts
endeavors can – and typically are — supplemented by separate income-producing
work. Despite what Deresiewicz writes, most artists in the US know this will be
necessary, and that there is nothing shameful about it. The nature of that
other work ranges widely. It can be related employment, such as working in a
gallery, doing literacy training, teaching private piano lessons, or chasing
the brass ring of a position at a university. (Don’t get me started on the
adjunctification of the academy.) An artist’s day job could be working as a
restaurant server (famously flexible for those who want to take time off to go
to dance classes or auditions), walking dogs, or holding down a second,
simultaneous career in an unrelated sector. That’s what I did before I went all
in for nonprofit arts administration almost six years ago. But that does take time away from art-making,
and for some artists, that is a bridge too far.
The good
news is that artists, and people who care about them, are not sitting back wringing
their ink-and-paint stained hands. The Death of the Artist was readied for
publication before the Covid-19 pandemic hit. Just as the pandemic pulled back
the curtain on endemic injustices against people of color, the fragility of
both full-time and gig employment, and the cruelty of linking human needs such
as access to health care to employment status, the fact that the cultural
sector was the first to close and, for the performing arts at least, will be
the last to reopen has occasioned soul searching, cross-disciplinary
conversations, and creative reimaginings. It has to.
As a
Brookings Institute study reported, “we estimate [covid-related] losses of 2.7
million [jobs in the creative industry, which here includes fashion and design]
and more than $150 billion in sales of goods and services for creative
industries nationwide, representing nearly a third of all jobs in those
industries and 9% of annual sales. The fine and performing arts industries will
be hit hardest, suffering estimated losses of almost 1.4 million jobs and $42.5
billion in sales. These estimated losses represent 50% of all jobs in those
industries and more than a quarter of all lost sales nationwide.”
And this
is just the people who were being paid enough for their work in 2019 to report
the numbers.
Does
this matter? It sure does.
As
Brookings notes, “arts, culture, and creativity are one of three key sectors
(along with science and technology as well as business and management) that
drive regional economies. Any lasting damage to the creative sector will
drastically undercut our culture, well-being, and quality of life.”
Yu
don’t have to believe in Richard Florida’s urban planning exhortations – which many believe supplied the popular
arguments for hipster gentrification and the displacement of low-income
communities of color in many big cities – to understand that the arts and
culture act as an economic multiplier. In the hard-to-remember, maskless world
of 2019, Arts/Boston’s The Arts Factor noted that Greater Boston’s arts and
culture sector directly and indirectly generated $2 billion in annual revenues,
and provided as many paying jobs as the retail industry.
Artists,
arts administrators, philanthropic foundations, trade unions, and even
progressive legislators are all stepping into the breach, suggesting ways
forward. Collectively, these represent a radical reimagining of the
infrastructure and priorities of the sector. A significant amount of today’s
conversations center on issues of racial equity and support for art-making and
the visibility of underrepresented artists and organizations that serve BIPOC
(Black, Indigenous, and People of Color) communities. But it all comes down to
how the sector is structured, and how money flows among its component parts.
W.A.G.E.
(Working Artists and the Greater Economy),
an organization Deresiewicz mentions, updated their Recommended Best
Practice Protocols for Institutions and Funders in April to deal with the issue
of how artists and cultural workers, such as museum staff, would be compensated
fairly for the move to virtual platforms and to establish transparency around
furloughs. (80 nonprofit organizations have been certified by W.A.G.E. as
paying artist fees that meet minimum payment standards.) Creative Time in New
York is establishing a 10-month virtual “artist think tank” for “reflection,
dismantling, and action…to create the critical shifts required to build
equitable and sustainable approaches to cultural production,” with the artists
participating earning $10,000 for their efforts.
Groups
of artists have organized and fought for new ways to divide royalties for work
among an ensemble, so that the original cast of Hamilton is slated to earn 1
percent of the Broadway show’s net profits, and 0.33 percent of profits from
future US productions. During the pandemic, this model looks more appealing
than ever. Musicians have opted for the “radical payment transparency” of
Bandcamp, which some people are calling the “anti-Spotify.” American visual
artists continue to argue for droit de suite, residuals when a work is resold.
The Ford Foundation asked 40 well-known cultural figures to offer
“provocations” to reimagine the arts, documentary film, and journalism,
introducing their effort by quoting abolitionist scholar Ruth Wilson Gilmore,
“What the world will become already exists in fragments and pieces, experiments
and possibilities.” The first installment explores “new cooperative models of
resource-sharing and community ownership,” with other issues slated for later
reveal.
Most
ambitious is the call for what some have called a “21st Century WPA,” a
25-point plan put forth by the cultural advocates at Americans for the Arts and
endorsed by close to 800 other creative workers and cultural organizations.
Some of the plan’s demands directly address Deresiewicz’s laments, such as the
call to “Adjust Existing Policies to Recognize Creative Workers as Workers,” so
that, for instance, artists and other gig workers can collect unemployment not
only under the pandemic relief CARES Act but long after we have a vaccine.
Other demands, such as “prioritize and incentivize public and private sector
support, access to capital, and equitable funding of arts producing
organizations, small creative businesses, community cultural centers, and
collectives” don’t say much about how that might be implemented, but would
surely be a welcome change.
The
shared baseline of these conversations is that there are no good old days to go
back to. If the cultural sector in the United States returns to the ways things
were organized in February 2020, with all the inequity and unsustainability
that implies, we will have failed.
Arts
Commentary: “The Death of the Artist” — Culture Workers Unite! By Debra
Cash. The Arts Fuse , September 24, 2020.
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