Showing posts with label make-up. Show all posts
Showing posts with label make-up. Show all posts

28/01/2019

Male Beauty, Bigger Dicks and Make-Up for Men





It only takes a scroll through Grindr to see that a select few body types reign supreme when it comes to gay men: from oiled, glistening torsos to slim, hairless bodies, it seems our definitions of ‘beauty’ are fairly rigid within our so called ‘community’. Ideals may have changed and expanded over the last few decades, but ultimately little has shifted – and research shows that it’s having a real effect on both our mental and our physical health.

Crucially, there’s historical context to these standards. Our desire for muscularity can be traced back to the heyday of ‘physique culture’, which blossomed in the 1950s and 1960s when censors cracked down on gay porn. With no X-rated mags to be found, gay men in search of bare flesh turned to bodybuilding magazines, some of which – most notably Physique Pictorial and Beefcake – became gay media staples in their own right, transforming everyday muscle men into objects of desire.

This fixation with physique only grew over time. Artists like David Hockney preserved the essence of physique culture through homoerotic paintings; Tom of Finland ramped up the aesthetic exponentially, creating explicit artwork featuring giant-dicked policemen fucking on the streets. His aim? To queer the notion that gay men were inherently feminine, something that was – and still is – weaponised against us.

Finland’s subversion of hyper-masculinity cemented a radical legacy which lives on today not just in museums and books, but also in gay porn scenes featuring similarly Adonis-like men. The ‘jock’ isn’t the only archetype of gay male desire but it’s one of very few, and this narrow scope of gay beauty is doing us damage. An often-cited 2007 survey found 42% of all men with eating disorders in the UK were gay despite us making up around 5% of the male population, whereas LGBTQ+ people of all genders were more likely to binge and abuse laxatives – which arguably ties into our increased rates of mental illness.
  
It’s  not just body image, either; 2016’s #GayMediaSoWhite hashtag illustrated a huge lack of diversity in gay media which seemed to explain the racism, femme-shaming and body-shaming so prevalent on LGBTQ+ dating apps.

Gay and Lesbian Studies professor Gregory Woods agrees that there’s a fetishisation of hyper-masculine bodies in the gay community, but says he’s unsure that it can be linked back to physique culture. “I guess it’s still, in part, a reaction against negative stereotypes of campness, which seem especially common in the context of school bullying,” he theorises. “We go to the gym and turn ourselves into the tattooed hulks (or hunks?) our bullies wouldn’t have dared to bully.”

It makes sense that we could be running from stereotypes by bulking up our bodies, or even by appropriating masculine aesthetics like the handlebar moustache or the skinhead (both famously popular amoung gay men in the 70s and 80s). But plenty of men project this pressure to ‘man up’ and expect it of potential partners. They plaster their dating bios with demands like ‘don’t be camp’ or ‘be a man!’ and, in turn, insinuate that campness is bad. But this is untrue; not only is camp a political weapon, it’s way of being that was openly embraced by plenty of the pioneers that fought most vigorously for the rights LGBTQ+ folk we enjoy today.

We live in a misogynistic world which stigmatises and regulates femininity, and this reality is stamped all over gay beauty standards. I know this through my own experiences of curating dating profiles: I’ve learned to delete the photos of me in a full face of glitter and hide pictures of my body at its heaviest. I once heard a friend say that fat gay men are “outcasts”, and it made me cringe – it sounded like the kind of passé Sex and the City quote designed to have Woke Charlotte foaming at the mouth. But over time it’s come to feel upsettingly accurate; even a BBC3 documentary dedicated to gay body image featured the experiences of precisely no fat gay men. This erasure only strengthened the feelings already whirling through my mind: that we’re anomalous or, worse, unwanted.






In terms of what is desirable, it’s helpful to look into gay apps and their language of ‘tribes’. These are the narrow boxes that delineate the boundaries of our desires: there’s the ‘twink’, young, hairless and recently celebrated by The New York Times in a controversial, largely tone deaf op-ed (Gay Twitter collectively pointed that it’s literally always been the ‘age of the twink’ in our community); then there’s the ‘bear’ and the ‘cub’, both categories which insinuate it’s okay to be plus-size if you also happen to be hairy.

The aforementioned ‘jock’ is still arguably the most popular category, but the options for anyone that doesn’t fit these boxes are limited. The porn industry is exemplary of these limitations: people of colour might get fetishised by problematic porn labels like ‘Ebony’ and ‘Asian’, whereas trans men remain largely invisible in porn (although studios like Pink & White and stars like Buck Angel rally against this). For context, porn is the one category in which trans women have been historically over-represented in equally problematic ways – the online category ‘Shemale’ is proof of this.

Arguably, none of these subcategories are as culturally dominant as the palatable white gay norm, established when advertisers earmarked gay men and lesbians as a lucrative market as early as thirty years ago. Sitcoms like Will & Grace centred ‘aspirational’ white, middle-class men, whereas Queer Eye – the original, not the heartwrenching remake – positioned us as fairy godmothers willing to makeover hapless straight blokes in return for superficial acceptance. Corporations engaged in ‘pinkwashing’ – offering us the bare minimum and rinsing us for cash in return. In the same way that companies play on the insecurities of women to flog them diet pills, our beauty standards were narrowed so that we’d spend to keep up appearances.

Woods describes these standards as a “taxation”. “Being compelled to look good – perfect body, perfect haircut, perfect taste in clothes – is a kind of cultural taxation like the pink pound itself, which lots of us seem cravenly willing to pay in exchange for straight people’s acceptance.” In fact, if we follow the Queer Eye logic that straight men overwhelmingly accept us when they want to look more like us, we’re actually forced to overcompensate.

It’s also worth highlighting that the focus on health wasn’t just driven by a desire to sell us gym memberships and supplements. In the context of the AIDS epidemic, it was also politically-charged. The illness and its homophobic coverage still loomed large over mainstream media, and I’ve talked to men in the past that feel it shaped beauty standards – that there was a pressure to look physically fit and healthy as opposed to skinny and frail in order to attract partners. Some even say that hairlessness was particularly desirable, a way to display a body free of lesions. These are oral histories, but they’re valid - especially given the generation of voices and testimonies the epidemic took from us.

Issues around gay male masculinity and femininity have gone underexplored, but the pressure to fit into rigid beauty standards is collectively punishing us. I remember being scarred when I was jokingly told that fat and feminine gay men were particularly marginalised, and for years I internalised the idea that I could be too fat or too queer to be desirable. I policed my masculinity and abused my body, drowning it with alcohol and using food limitation tactics to shape it into something more conventionally attractive.

Unfortunately, research indicates that too many of us are still doing the same. But gay beauty standards become easier to disentangle when you realise that they’re rigid for a reason: because they’re largely a byproduct of capitalism, discrimination and internalised homophobia. We’ve been packaged and sold as fairy godmothers, pretty boys and muscle men, but there needs to be room for those of us who don’t fit those stereotypes. We all walk through life differently, but ultimately we can be a community; the more we dismantle and disrupt archetypes of gay beauty, the more we can strengthen the ties that bond us.

Unpicking the history of gay male beauty standards. By Jake Hall. Dazed Digital , January 14, 2019.







Prepare yourself for a cold hard fact: the average erect penis in Britain is five-and-a-half inches long. It’s not six or seven, as some men might suggest when quizzed about it in front of their mates (only to make a joke about theirs being “waaaay bigger than that!”), but a perfectly adequate 14 centimetres.

We have, whether we’re straight or non-straight men, become a generation of size queens obsessed with magnifying our own junk, and it’s fuelling a culture that has lead us down a dangerous path when it comes to our body image. We might not admit to it, but so much of our time is spent adding phantom inches when bragging about our bits on various dating apps or finding the perfect angle for a dick pic that makes it look just a little bit more impressive than it does IRL. We’re living in a fantasy, with pretty much every earth-dwelling man experiencing a certain level of body dysmorphia when it comes to the size of their members. But where did that notion of bigger being better come from?

Between 2013 and 2017, the International Society of Aesthetic Plastic Surgery recorded over 45,000 penis enhancement procedures taking place worldwide; past figures were so low that they didn’t even warrant being recorded. “It’s important to acknowledge the scale and complexity of the issue,” Giulio Garaffa, a consultant uro-andrologist from International Andrology London tells Dazed Beauty. Figures provided by them show there’s been a considerable spike in penis enlargement procedures in his own clinic over the past half decade.

But this cosmetic phenomenon wasn’t born out of narcissism or insecurity: the initial phalloplasty surgeries for cis men were produced to help those living with micropenises, a dick that’s roughly two and a half times smaller than average for a man their age. In order to cure it and increase its functionality, surgeons would use liposuction to remove fat from the pubic area to give the penis more girth.





A more common, excruciating sounding surgery is ligamentolysis: severing the ligaments that attach the shaft of the penis to the pubic bone, letting it hang anywhere from 1-4 centimetres longer when flaccid (though it has no effect on the size when erect). The latter – paired with an injection of fat from the body to increase girth – is the method used by cosmetic surgeons for the locker room shy nowadays. It might not require an overnight stay in most cases, but the procedure isn’t cheap; you’re expected to shell out anything from £1500 to £5000, depending on how big you want to go.

The surge in interest in the procedure leads back to a problem few are willing to discuss out of fear of being ridiculed. According to research completed by International Andrology London, over 45% of men are dissatisfied with their size – despite the fact that almost all of them have a completely healthy, normal-sized and functional penis. “Although it can be dismissed by some people, even in the medical profession as trivial, our experience after consulting and treating many men in our network of clinics, is that size issues can cause significant distress,” Giulio claims. “Anxiety about size can affect their self-confidence, sexual life and even prevent them from everyday social interactions such as being with a partner and using public bathrooms.”

Marcus* from London was one of the handful of men who decided to go through with the procedure with International Andrology London. “Since I was young, I always felt that I had a small penis and was too shy to shower with other people,” he said, of his reasons for plucking up the courage to go under the knife and enlarge his penis, but it wasn’t something he jumped into easily. Instead, Marcus said he was pretty apprehensive. “There’s a lot of information online of the pros and cons of this procedure,” he adds. “I was worried about the appearance after surgery, and if my erection and performance would be the same.” Luckily for Marcus, the procedure went well: he’s now a proud owner of a bigger willy.

Marcus’ initial anxiety is more widespread that most men would like to admit, and Hugo – a 24-year-old man from Stockholm who now lives in London – knows all about it. The laissez-faire attitude towards male nudity he experienced while growing up with saunas, steam rooms and skinny dipping in lakes lead him to be conscious of being exposed in front of his peers.  “It would always be the same guys who would instigate getting naked,” he recalls. It was a certain kind of showboating that men who were comfortable with their penises would indulge in; a try-hard attempt to assert their masculinity. The ones who felt they didn’t match up size-wise were obvious: they diligently kept their clothes on.

It’s worth mentioning that, despite being a so-called “late bloomer”, Hugo convinced himself that his above average penis wasn’t anything to flaunt after encountering pornography for the first time. “It’s interesting how far cultural conditioning can actually affect how our bodies work,” he adds. “Western culture makes money off our lack of self-esteem, so it’s not a surprise that we have so much anxiety about our appearance. In regards to porn, we’re led to believe that if we consume it we’ll become it – regardless of how realistic [in this case, penis size] that really is.”

It’s a learned behaviour to scrutinise your own dick; there’s no evidence to suggest that there’s anything biological about it. A lot of it, as a study conducted by IAL shows, stems from our increased consumption of porn. Their study showed that half of men and nearly 40% of women who watched porn daily wished that their or their partner’s penis was bigger.  That dropped to less to a third of men and 11% of women when a group who didn’t watch porn were surveyed.

For gay men, the casual attitude towards swapping nudes and dating apps sees that exposure increase two-fold. Darren from Essex is a 21-year-old make-up artist who looked into enlargement procedures, both pumps and surgery, after feeling sized out by the penises he was seeing in porn and on Grindr. “Historically, I think there’s a notion that the bigger the dick you have, the more masculine you are,” he tells us. Darren’s comments reflect the femmephobia that’s prevalent in gay culture: that having a smaller dick and a more agile frame somehow makes you less of a man. It’s led him to join the gym and gain more muscle mass: an easier and cheaper way of asserting his masculine aesthetic over penis enlargement surgery, and something that undoubtedly carries much less of a stigma. “I don’t feel desirable to myself, so I question why anyone else would want me,” he says. To try and reverse his psychology, he’s deleted all of the dating apps on his phone.




But this isn’t only an issue for cisgender men: there’s a whole community of trans men whose inclusion in this narrative is underwritten; overlooked in favour of a more salacious and tongue in cheek kind of conversation. 27-year-old Archie is a trans man whose decision to forgo phalloplasty was affirmed by the fact he had no qualms, unlike a large percentage of cis men, over flaunting his masculinity. “I don’t feel like what I have between my legs defines me as a man,” he tells us. There was also the issue of the surgical procedure – more complex than the elongation techniques for purely cosmetic purposes – which felt like “a lot of hassle, a lot of money, and really not important to [him]”. The trend amongst cis men looks like narcissism fuelled by anxiety: “People are too worried about what they consider to be perfect,” Archie adds, “ or what society thinks is perfect.”

That too is an issue that bleeds into trans bodies, though. The expectation for all men to look like men and all women to look like women has wrongfully forced many in the trans community to assimilate into the traditional ‘aesthetics’ of the gender they identify with. Sometimes, that’s purely for the purpose of avoiding violence and scrutiny from the outside world. When you consider that there’s a whole generation of trans men out there who can’t afford bottom surgery, but who desperately strive to have genitalia to match their gender, the idea of shelling out thousands for the sake of a few inches of girth and length feels fickle. Surely there’s an easier solution, and by helping cis men to overcome these anxieties the benefit will be greater and far more widespread. By quashing the idea that a bigger penis means somebody is more masculine, the expectations for trans men to affirm their ‘maleness’ by undergoing phalloplasty will be quashed too.

But for now, the desire to have a bigger penis is still attracting up to 200 men a day to Giuilio Garaffa’s London surgery. “It's about personal confidence and looking good naked,” he stresses. The numbers going through with it are significantly lower than that – just 10-20% – but the dozens who do are apparently pretty happy with the end product. According to Guilio, reported results include “significant improvements in self-image and self-esteem, and a reduction in body dysmorphia”, but whether or not surgery is still the most sensible answer is still a question that requires a little more research. Is jumping straight on to the operating tables of Harley Street the best way to solve our own anxieties, or should we be rooting out (sorry) the problem that’s leading us down that path in the first place?
We suppose the same could be said of all kinds of plastic surgeries, but as the stigma starts to lift from flaunting your nose job, lipo and lip fillers, the idea of a man publicly professing how content he is with a penis enlargement feels like a dystopian concept. Marcus, who’s gone through with the surgery and is happy with the end result, is still a firm believer in it being a sensitive topic. “I don't know if I would tell my friends and family about it,” he admits.

So what will it take for men to be happy with the bits they have? Is a wider conversation surrounding the sexy and visceral, if damaging nature of pornography and hook-up culture required for us to see a future that considers below average more than adequate? Or perhaps we should just all start to talk more honestly to each other. It might not be the big future we’re hoping surgery will build for us, but it will help us stop bullshitting to impress others, and to find a killer angle for our (consensually shared) dick pics that captures the beautiful, normal and pretty much perfect reality of what the modern man is packing.

Why (and how) are men making their dicks bigger? By Douglas Greenwood. Dazed Digital , January 28, 2019.







Last year, the beauty industry finally got the wake-up call it needed. Leading by example, pioneers like Fenty Beauty, CoverGirl and Illamasqua called time on gendered, racially-biased beauty standards, ushering in an age of inclusivity. We saw cosmetic giants diversify palettes to cater to over 40 skin tones, transgender models fronting major campaigns and male ambassadors stepping up to the makeup chair. This recent rejection of the one-size-fits-all approach to beauty is indicative of a wider cultural shift in values. In a long-overdue act of inclusion and acceptance, the world of beauty is becoming more representative of the real world. By arming everyone with the same tools for self-expression, our conversations on beauty can now be painted in broad, authentic strokes.

As the mainstream catches up and the beauty becomes more inclusive, there has been a steady emergence in ‘male beauty’ trends. Venturing beyond the grooming basics, men around the world are beautifying. This new generation is taking a stand against conservative visions of masculinity and reclaiming control over their own image; from the surge in male beauty salons in Pakistan to the brave, beautiful youths in Moscow who shade and contour. Reporting from Seoul, the “epicentre of beauty”, David Yi, Editor-in-Chief of the male beauty editorial ‘Very Good Light’, joins the conversation. We discuss the people, products, and movements that are championing diversity in the industry and ask, why platforms for male beauty are needed now more than ever.

The men of South Korea are leading the beauty revolution; from the K-Pop heartthrobs of the big screen to the guy on the street. Taking up the tools once reserved for women, these men have joined the pursuit of perfection, spending more on skincare than anywhere else in the world. Yi explains, “today you won’t spot a guy in Seoul without perfect skin. He wears B.B. cream just as easily as he washes his face.”

In a country celebrated for its progressive beauty culture, wearing makeup “isn’t about being gender-fluid- it’s about being a better version of a man”. In a recent interview, SokoGlam’s co-owner David Cho explained that the male beauty obsession is endemic to the nation’s value system. In a competitive job market, appearance is power and youth equals ability. As Naomi Wolf once wrote, “beauty is a currency system like the gold standard” and in Korea, it’s big business.

Regardless of the motives behind the makeup, the importance of the male beauty movement lies at, its core. It is not just changing how we view beauty but, also how we view gender. It dares to defy the socially constructed male identity and explores new, liberated ways of being. Whilst the young men who step out with enviable skin and flawless makeup are still met by heckles and threats in conservative cultures, the next steps of big beauty brands are crucial. Playing to a captive audience, they can help to educate the public and set the stage for a global refusal of the beauty standards that have ignored individuals for too long.

Blurring the lines between the genders, releases from brands like M.A.C, Milk MakeUp, and Charlotte Tilbury state that beauty is for all. This burgeoning unisex cosmetics market is a response to the younger generation’s disinterest in gender identification. Yi adds, “makeup and cosmetics are genderless, they have no sexuality. They are the tools we use to improve self-esteem and self-empowerment.” And, although it is making the headlines, men wearing makeup is nothing new. Modern culture is responsible for attaching the stigma to displays of masculine beauty, seeing it relegated to the LGBTQ+ community. But, Yi explains, “Historically, this wasn’t the case; men in 17th century Europe wore wigs and powdered their faces; Pharaohs in Egypt wore kohl around their eyes and Romans painted their faces with red blush.”

In a return to a more expressive vision of manhood, communities of young men worldwide are connecting through Youtube and social media to rally against the stoic hypermasculine ideals of their fathers. By going public, the men at the frontiers of the beauty movement add their voices to the wider outcry to break the cycle of toxic masculinity.  Yi adds, “generationally, this suppression has had real repercussions. It’s important to make room for men and allow them to be who they want to be, which is why we need beauty now more than ever.”

As our understanding of gender undergoes a renaissance, men are free to transform themselves in new, exciting ways. Whether they choose to invest in the products they need to keep skin healthy or, opt for a full-face of makeup, the tools for reinvention are becoming readily available. Now that the choice is there, as a community, we now have a responsibility to lend our support and bring male beauty firmly into the mainstream.

Pretty boy : the rise of male beauty.  By David Yi. The Bod Edit , March 10, 2018.

















04/01/2019

The Power of Beauty





                                         Venus of Orbino, Titian, 1538


They're considered the "fair sex." What comes across as a simple attribution is in fact and truth an imperative: since the Renaissance, the pleasure and burden of representation have been predominantly with women. While courage and farsightedness, bravery and intelligence were admired in men, a cultural production arose in the matter of "beautiful women" that is second to none - from fine arts, literature, opera and cinema to practical guidebooks, support clothing and the cosmetics industry. It is a game of showing and concealing, of emphasizing and concealing, an "unproductive expenditure" (Georges Bataille) that tries to imitate what seems desirable and yet could never be conclusively defined by anyone. This is the paradox of beauty: over the centuries, collective obsession has not only produced quite different ideals of beauty, but this beauty has always existed only as an idea and concept - that is, as a phantasm. "What one sees at first sight", wrote the philosopher and sociologist of culture Nicolaus Sombart about the "beautiful woman", "is to a certain extent only an optical illusion, a 'trompe-l'œil'".


Something is perceived as beautiful, which is symmetrical and balanced in proportions, but already here the problems begin, because the absolute symmetry is again unaesthetic, every beauty needs the small flaw. The more precise the attempt to describe beauty, the more poetic and metaphorical it becomes, until the definition finally contains what is to be defined: Beauty is what pleases. "Beauty is not real, it cannot be made unambiguous; it has no fixed meaning, it is apparent, fleeting, irresistible and incomparable," Dietmar Kamper and Christoph Wulf wrote in 1989 in Der Schein des Schönen. They capitulated verbosely before any insight into the essence of this beauty. "The attempt to seize it destroys it," it continues. "It forms a world that cannot be reduced to other worlds, is useless and plays with erotic desires on the edge of chaos and the hope of imperishability. As early as 1930, the psychoanalyst Sigmund Freud had nothing but ridicule for such beauty prose, which mythologizes and evokes the incomprehensible: "The science of aesthetics examines the conditions under which beauty is felt; it has not been able to explain the nature and origin of beauty; how common is the lack of results concealed by an expenditure of full-sounding, meaningless words".

This dilemma cannot be overcome by simply reducing female beauty to its function of reproducing the genus. "I for my part reject this way out," says the young philosopher in James Joyce's Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man (1916) to his friend. "He leads into eugenics instead of aesthetics." One can thus go from the labyrinth of different ideals of beauty directly into a pimped-up lecture hall, where the professor, "one hand on the origin of species [by Charles Darwin] and the other on the New Testament, tells you that you admired the sweeping hips of Venus, because you felt that she would give birth to strong offspring. To understand beauty, you have to look away from the object and toward the viewer. In other words, it's about the aesthetic conventions of society.

Social conventions, i.e. pronounced and unspoken norms and rules, shape the way in which we talk about and feel about the body, how we dress, what image we create of ourselves, what ideals we orientate ourselves by. They not only tell us something about the transience and changeability of the ideal of beauty, but also something about social differences. Beauty has always been a distinguishing feature. It is the small (or large) difference from which one can tell whether someone wanted to be beautiful in an aristocratic or peasant, bourgeois or proletarian way and what techniques were available to someone to manipulate their own body. The word "manipulate" should not be taken too negatively. "Has there ever been a time when bodies or primeval human bodies were not influenced by any rational manipulation," asked historian Barbara Orland. What we call natural has always been socially transformed. From the consumption of organic food to the "no poo" hair wash to the pedometer for the purpose of minimal movement in spite of an office job, "naturalness" is actively produced today, and we should beware of imputing to earlier societies a naturalness that already then never existed independently of human ideas, concepts and actions. Even putting on a fur is a cultural achievement.

And so beauty always remains both: something that is attributed to a person as nature and at the same time something that only reveals itself as beauty in a certain situation and staging, from a certain perspective and above all in the gaze of others. It was the Renaissance artists who discovered and celebrated this situational beauty as never before. In the 15th and 16th centuries, for the first time, paintings were created of women who were neither the Mother of God nor a worldly celebrity, paintings whose sole purpose was to depict female beauty. In 1536 the Venetian artist Titian painted the portrait of an unknown beauty in a blue dress, called La Bella, and two years later, probably with the same model, the naked Venus of Urbino on a couch. They were the expression of a new taste in art. The wealthy patrons of these paintings no longer collected exclusively images of religious scenes, historical events or noble family members, but became interested in the principles of beauty itself: in the new still lifes of beautifully arranged flowers and fruits and in the intensity of a beguiling feminine presence captured on canvas.

How different, on the other hand, were the pictures of beauty that were made in the Middle Ages. Even then there had been an ideal of beauty, but people were interested above all in the surface on which a person's moral beauty was reflected - and that applied equally to men and women. For the church teacher and philosopher Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274), beauty was essentially based on three things: Integrity, harmony of proportions and clarity. Above all clarity ("claritas") was important: the "splendour of beauty" was evident in the "brilliant colour of beautiful people". Thus beauty was associated with a transcendent idea: in it a cosmic order was revealed. What is not true and not good is also not beautiful.



Plato had already described the good, the true and the beautiful as identical. In the Middle Ages this triad was embedded in a theocentric world view: God was beauty itself. This metaphysical attitude does not necessarily have to have been ascetic and hostile to life. Medieval man, as Umberto Eco wrote, often found it difficult "to distinguish between the pleasure of the senses and the pleasure of the soul. He had "a much more highly developed sense than we for the clear, well primed, luminous colours, he loved the brilliance of gold, the sparkle of gemstones, the radiant bursting of light". In the triumph of colour and light, however, he saw "at the same time an expression of the omnipotence of God".

No matter how much people loved the bright colours at that time, cosmetics and applied splendour were frowned upon, as they were mere deceptive manoeuvres within the divine order. Even in minnesong, the beautiful one had above all a virtuous soul. The poet Walther von der Vogelweide (1170-1230) described the ideal woman as pleasant, but without plaster. "Mistress, you have put on a noble shell, the chaste body," he wrote, "Truly I have never seen a better dress: You are a beautiful woman.

The new sense of beauty that emerged in the Renaissance manifested itself not only in the fine arts, but also in language. The simple terms used in the Middle Ages to describe beauty - a symmetrical face, white skin, small, firm breasts, a narrow waist - gave way to a new terminology that increased everything to a metaphorical level. It was the poet Francesco Petrarca (1304-1374) who first invented a completely new language for the beauty of his adored Laura in his Canzoniere. The unreachable was no longer simply pleasant to look at and of noble character, but had "hair of gold", the "sweet light" of her eyes "burned" beyond measure, she could no longer be grasped at all with earthly terms, she was a "heavenly being", of "angelic nature", even her ornament seemed "made in paradise". Petrarch set standards for European love poetry until the 17th century. It was finally named after him ("Petrarchism").

It is paradoxical: in the Middle Ages, with its metaphysical idea of beauty, people were still able to talk about the concrete shape of the object - the real bodies - while at the beginning of the modern age they "seemed to lose their sense of matter" (Umberto Eco). Where language failed in the face of flesh, the effort was now on flowers, gems, pearls, ivory, moon and stars. The women had "breasts as bleaching as alabaster" (Pierre de Ronsard), a "high forehead of smooth ivory" (Louis le Jars) or a mouth "that carries roses and holds pearls" (Christian Hoffmann von Hoffmannswaldau). The exaggeration of female beauty by comparison with cosmic phenomena and precious materials became such a widespread topos that William Shakespeare already took countermeasures in 1609. The eyes of his loved ones are not like sunlight, he noted in his Sonnet 130, corals are much redder than their lips, he likes to hear them speak, but it doesn't sound like music, and he can assure that he has never seen a goddess step in, "my darling stands firmly on the ground with both legs when he walks".





As in the Middle Ages, in early modern times the outer beauty could not be separated from the inner beauty. In the beautiful form, however, there was no longer a cosmic order, but a spiritual constitution, no longer the divine, but the individual. Beauty gained depth and inwardness. The essence of a person became visible in the movements, the gaze, the whole behaviour. The Florentine philosopher Marsilio Ficino wrote in 1544 in his work On Love  or Platon's Banquet: "Let us therefore, if not the spirit but only the body is beautiful, love it as the fleeting shadow image of beauty only little and only superficially! But where the spirit is beautiful, let us love this constant ornament of the spirit ardently". The outer and the inner beauty were interrelated or, as the French writer and mathematician David Rivault de Fleurance wrote in 1608 in his work on the art of beautification (L'art d'embellir): "The spiritual qualities "shine through the body". The invisible is visible, the wisdom of a person "embellishes his face".

Despite all the praise for female beauty, there was a clear hierarchy of body parts: Above was much more important than below. The gaze was directed. Overhanging skirts concealed everything that should not be seen and therefore one did not have to worry much about its appearance. "Why worry about your legs, when they are nothing to show?," says writer Marie de Romieu in her Instructions pour les jeunes dames (1573). In his Dialogo delle bellezze delle donne in 1548, the Italian poet Agnolo Firenzuola also advocated that the higher parts of the body should naturally be exposed, while the lower parts should be covered "because the former should be made visible as the actual seat of beauty and it is not the same with the others, because they are only the foundation, the base and the support of the upper parts". The upper part of the body was modelled so that it could rise elegantly from the foundation: The corset was invented in the 15th century. With cords and rods, the chest was flattened and the upper part of the body was pressed into a conical shape so that it tapered towards the waist.

The short, stiffly erected upper bodies became the outstanding feature of cultivated beauty at court, where the ladies, when tied up too tightly, now regularly fainted. The ideal body shape changed over the years, sometimes the skirt was worn so high that not much remained of the conical shape, but from the middle of the 17th century onwards at the French court the breast was no longer flattened but lifted into the décolleté, and at the time of Louis XIV the waist was laced as narrowly as never before. Already Anne de Beaujeu (1461-1522), a daughter of the French king Louis XI, had made fun of a woman who was "so tightly tied up" in her clothes that her "heart failed". The sceptic Michel de Montaigne (1533-1592) also mocked the cramped women in his essays. "What kind of inconvenience do they not suffer to have a pretty Spanish body, stiff and constricted with thick forging tongs on the sides, up to the raw meat?

The corset was only one aspect of a comprehensive beautification art that was now completely legitimate. As soon as beauty no longer simply corresponded with the universally good and true, but manifested itself in a certain expression and behaviour as a sign of inner constitution, efforts were made to actively shape it. The aristocracy and the rich merchants demonstrated their social position with their hats and dresses, their "countenance" and their way of walking. The streets and squares became public catwalks, where people promenaded with the sole aim of seeing and being seen. When Princess Sophie of Hanover, daughter of Elector Frederick V of the Palz, made a journey through Italy in 1664/65 - a famous grand tour for Bildung - she systematically recorded what female beauty could be seen in the cities. In Verona she was amazed to see only "ugly faces" in the places where the ladies were promenading after dinner, while on the Grand Canal in Venice she stopped gondolas to see the beauty of the women. Not only the women, but also the king and the powerful men at the court powdered their hair, wore complicated clothes and walked on high heels.

The art of making mirrors had a considerable influence on the new cult of beauty. In the Middle Ages, convex mirrors were made from glass spheres, in which one only recognized oneself distorted. Around 1516, flat mirrors were first made in Venice: a thin tin foil was stuck to a glass surface and mercury was poured onto it. The amalgam then became a reflective surface that gave the person looking in a picture of himself more clearly than ever before. This picture was now heavily retouched. Ointments, pomades and creams were used and the face was brightened with poisonous lead white. In the 17th century the range of make-up was considerably extended. Powder, oils and talcum were used, and rouge was added to the previously exclusively used white. As the use of make-up increased, so did the criticism. Everywhere one saw too much of the good. In Molière's  Les Précieuses ridicules (1659) daughter and niece of the good citizen Gorgibus have just disappeared again. Gorgibus asks the maid where the two are. "In their rooms," she replies. "What are they doing there?" "Lip balm." "To the hangman with the eternal pomade!"




If make-up was tolerated in public space for purposes of representation, it had, if used at the wrong moment, quickly the smell of insincerity, deception, even prostitution. Conversely, women from lower classes could now also dress up like ladies, which led to new problems. If everyone can disguise themselves in everything with a little effort and a sense of taste, how can one distinguish between virtue and vice, between honourable ladies and a lewd half-world? In many places, clothing regulations were issued. In Catalonia, prostitutes could dress as they wished, but they were not allowed to cover themselves with a scarf or cape; the veiling was reserved exclusively for married women. In Castile they went even further. In 1623 a law was ratified stating that "women who are publicly bad and thus earn money may not wear gold, pearls or silk".




In the middle of the 18th century, in the Age of Enlightenment, beauty moved from practice to theory. Sensual perception was upgraded philosophically, even with Alexander Gottlieb Baumgarten's Aesthetica (1750-1758) aesthetics was founded as an independent philosophical discipline. At the same time, the notion of the "one flesh" of the sexes was transformed into a model of strict oppositeness. Already in the centuries before women had done more representative work, but the alternative of the beautiful man had at least still been debatable. The novel Joseph Andrews by the English author Henry Fielding, published in 1742, can be read as a swan song to this era of far-reaching equivalence. The title-giving attractive Joseph is already rather a parody of male beauty. Repeatedly he slips into unwanted erotic situations, from which he then has to beat himself free again with fists. From the middle of the 18th century onwards, the beautiful man largely disappeared from social and literary life as a figure of identification. Starting from medicine, a binary gender model developed which culminated in the " weibliche Sonderanthropologie” (Claudia Honegger) of the 19th century. From now on, women were the beautiful and men the sublime. Grace here, dignity there.

The Irish philosopher Edmund Burke was one of the first to design an aesthetic directly linked to gender in his influential work A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful (1757). In daring voltes he interwove the female beauty with the female weakness and both again with the male desire. "The beauty of women is largely due to their weakness or delicacy, and it is heightened by their shyness," Burke says. Highest female beauty always transports an idea of fragility, of imperfection. Women are very aware of this, "for this reason they learn to lisp, to walk with a staggering gait, to pretend weakness, even illness". The female gender, which is already naturally more beautiful, thus helps to increase its beauty with a little theatre. Burke described the female senses as simple and immediately physical, her sensations were self-sufficient, accordingly the beautiful woman had no desire. Her beauty served only the male passion, namely both the sublime individual love as well as the genus-preserving lust, which now had to be actively restrained. Already by her simple presence and passive seductive power the beautiful woman was dangerous. In the best case, the man relaxed towards her. In the worst case she drove him into melancholy, despair, suicide.


                          Edmund Burke                                    Mary Wollstonecraft


However, there could be no talk of passivity in the consumption of beauty products: In the 18th century, the cult of beauty was popularized. A wide range of boutiques, hairdressing salons and tailor's shops were created in the atmosphere of the famous perfumers, where one could be prepared according to the latest fashion. However, not everyone had a sense for the individual measure and the composition adapted to the type, which now increasingly constituted the small difference between elitist and ordinary appearance. "The terrible women of the butchers' boys, sitting on the kerbstone, wear rouge", wrote Louis-Sébastien Mercier in 1781 in his Tableau de Paris, "it has the colour of blood".

The beautification techniques, such as those used in the Manuel de la toilette of 1771, were still mainly related to the face. But the triumph of the senses, the occupation with bodily fluids, the irritability of the skin and the temperaments led to the increased use of tinctures, infusions and compresses, warm and cold baths to promote beauty and health. In general, the lower half of the body was brought into focus. What used to be the base in the first place, started to move. With Romanticism the bodies gained in form and contour, in the whole form and posture a beauty revealed itself, which was no longer studied academically, but to which one devoted oneself contemplatively. A movement, a smile, a glance were enough, and the viewer was gone. " Sie sprach zu ihm, sie sang zu ihm, / Da war’s um ihn geschehn“,  wrote Johann Wolfgang Goethe in 1779.

In numerous variations, the tragedy of the man who perishes on the beautiful woman was created, by far not only on the femme fatale, but with preference for this passive, ethereal being, whose dreamy gaze went into the distance, even into infinity. This beauty seemed disastrous not only to others, but also to itself: the beautiful women were now sick or dead in an astonishing frequency. The female corpse was erotically charged. Painters and poets sublimated female beauty into nothingness. As the literary scholar Elisabeth Bronfen noted, it was about a transformation of the female body "into inanimate aesthetic form". In Heinrich Heine's Florentine Nights (1837) Maximilian tried to pass the time of Maria, who was suffering from lung disease and only listened to passively, until she died. Edgar Allan Poe also proclaimed in 1846: “The death of a beautiful woman is, unquestionably, the most poetical topic in the world.” Were the female corpses the admission that lasting beauty could never be achieved in this world, that it could never be embodied in any human being through all circumstances of life? Was the staging of the beautiful corpse the only way to make female beauty harmless and at the same time to preserve it as a projection surface for eternity?



The dumber, prettier and more dead the women became, the less they were intellectually trusted. “Women are a decorative sex. They never have anything to say, but they say it charmingly.”

says Sir Henry in Oscar Wilde's Portrait of Dorian Gray (1890). The ardent Enlightenment philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau had already written in 1758: "Women in general , do not like any art, know nothing about any, and have no  genius. " They were created to please men and to subordinate themselves to them. The fact that the female weakness diagnosed everywhere reflected less a nature of gender than the conditions of possibility which women were now still allowed (or not) to have, even great thinkers apparently did not come up with this idea.

The behaviour of women actually proves "that their minds are not healthy developed", said the English writer and feminist Mary Wollstonecraft at the end of the 18th century. Like the flowers that are planted in too rich a soil, strength and usefulness are sacrificed to beauty. 
However, Wollstonecraft saw one cause  for this in the "false educational system", gathered from the books written on this subject by men, who, considering females rather as women than human creatures”. If a woman is educated exclusively to please the man, then this "brutal desire" remains the driving force of all her actions.  Wollstonecraft  denies however, that the woman is made only for the man.


 However, her plea for equal rights in education and career opportunities was of little help. Even Arthur Schopenhauer found 1851 contemptuous:  „Weil im Grunde die Weiber ganz allein zur Propagation des Geschlechts da sind und ihre Bestimmung hierin aufgeht" . Their nature was marked by carelessness and a desire for pleasure, while the vanity of men was directed more towards non-material advantages: reason, erudition, courage and the like.  Schopenhauer thought  that women can't really have genius, at most talent.  Friedrich Nietzsche also stated in 1882: Schöner ist das Frauenzimmer, interessanter ist – der Mann!

 How should it ever be possible to free oneself from such attributions? The bourgeois culture of the 19th century definitely ascribed the role of good mother and beautiful wife, the area of domestic modesty and grace, to women. This was made possible by the higher incomes of the increasingly industrialized modern age. The financial circumstances of entrepreneurs and merchants, civil servants, shop and restaurant owners allowed one spouse to stay at home and take care exclusively of the home and children. The moral code of values according to which the woman (to whom one naturally attributed the domestic role) had to orient herself, was delivered directly to the house in magazines such as Die Gartenlaube, which appeared from 1853 onwards, and repeated tirelessly in a flourishing literature of decency and advice. The books that now appeared in great numbers had titles such as : The wife and housewife, The companion of the man, Way of life of the elegant woman, The good daughter in family life, Social duties or About the conduct in the house.



Most of these writings were written by women. The beauty ideals of the 19th century tended to "naturalize" gender differences, at the same time they opened up an unprecedented publication market for women - and, building on this, an increasing commercialization of beauty. It was the beginning of a long and still ongoing learning process in which the eye was trained, desires channeled and identification patterns forged in order to finally be served by a mass production of fashion and beauty products. The beauty business shifted from the private to the public sphere. It was no longer primarily domestic workers and other servants who helped dress, tightened cords, draped hair and handed powder. By the end of the 19th century, an organized market with manicure shops, cosmetics departments in multi-storey department stores, perfumeries and beauty studios was established in all major cities, and in the 20th century it expanded into a global, brand-driven billion-dollar business. Visuals were also upgraded. The daguerreotype, a photographic process developed in 1860, paved the way for the mass reproduction of images of dressed and naked women. The result was a lively trade in portraits and pornography, in which photo studios, black market dealers, actresses, dancers and self-proclaimed beauties participated and which culminated in the total visual marketing of the female body in the 20th century.

While the beautiful woman - whether dead or alive - attracted attention and became the object of an extensive industrial production, the beautiful man still appeared as a problematic figure in the cultural production of modernity. He quickly came under suspicion of homoeroticism, was a nerd, a victim, and even more frequently: a perpetrator. The title hero in Oscar Wilde's Portrait of Dorian Gray (1890) first becomes a madman and then a murderer.  In Herman Melville's novella Billy Budd (1891), too, the beautiful sailor Billy, accused of mutiny, loses control of himself and, in effect, kills the boatman. The desirable and beguilingly beautiful heroes in Jean Genet's novels are all shady figures, scoundrels and murderers, and even in Agatha Christie's crime novels countless attractive men are exposed as criminals "with an almost problematic regularity for the genre", as the publicist Wilhelm Trapp noted.

Even though the beauty market for men, this "impossible body" (Wilhelm Trapp) of Western modernity, has long been booming as well, still above all it is  women who are valued and evaluated with regard to their appearance and who strive accordingly for their appearance. While in the 19th century the suit was invented for men's fashion, a uniform that can be worn at every conceivable opportunity, women today are confronted with a variety of possibilities that always force them to make decisions: Trousers or dress? Does the top and bottom fit together and fits the whole the occasion? Do I show  too much or too little leg, is the décolleté too deep, the shoe too high, the necklace too vulgar?

What the Renaissance humanist Marsilio Ficino wrote in 1469 is still valid today: "Remember, dear Socrates, no body is of perfect beauty! " We consider the bodies beautiful at one time and ugly at another, "and different people judge them in different ways". Beauty is as complex as the universe. It does not consist of correctly designed details, but always appears as a whole. To this day, it is not entirely clear what exactly we buy when we purchase lipstick, skin cream or an extravagant garment, when we prick a tattoo, when we correct our nose or when we enlarge our breasts. What is clear is that we are inscribing ourselves into a world of beauty that has always been defined, but which with its diverse identification offerings also leaves room for the individual, for refusal and experimentation. This is probably where the never-ending pleasure in beauty lies: by designing an ideal of it, we always also invent ourselves.




Die Macht der Schönheit. By Lea Haller.  Neue ZürcherZeitung ,    December 13 , 2018.