Showing posts with label history of science. Show all posts
Showing posts with label history of science. Show all posts

24/03/2025

The Nature Of Angels And the Foundations Of Modern Physics

 


 

What do the angelic forces of the Heavenly Host have to do with orgasms? The answer, according to the 12th-century philosopher and theologian Maimonides, was simple. Some invisible forces that caused movement could be explained by God working through angels. Quoting a famous rabbi who talked about ‘the angel put in charge of lust’, Maimonides commented that ‘he means to say: the force of orgasm … Thus this force too is called … an angel.’

Before the discovery of gravity, energy or magnetism, it was unclear why the cosmos behaved in the way it did, and angels were one way of accounting for the movement of physical entities. Maimonides argued that the planets, for example, are angelic intelligences because they move in their celestial orbits.

 While most physicists would now baulk at angelic forces as an explanation of any natural phenomena, without the medieval belief in angels, physics today might look very different. Even when belief in angels later dissipated, modern physicists continued to posit incorporeal intelligences to help explain the inexplicable. Malevolent angelic forces (ie, demons) have appeared in compelling thought experiments across the history of physics. These well-known ‘demons of physics’ served as useful placeholders, helping physicists find scientific explanations for only vaguely imagined solutions. You can still find them in textbooks today.

But that’s not the most important legacy of medieval angelology. Angels also catalysed ferociously precise debates about the nature of place, bodies and motion, which would inspire something like a modern conceptual toolbox for physicists, honing concepts such as space and dimension. Angels, in short, underpin our understanding of the cosmos.

 Angels have been around at least since Biblical times, and are described in various, and sometimes odd, ways. In the Book of Ezekiel, for example, the Cherubim have intersecting wheels sparkling like topaz that move them in all four directions without turning, and their ‘entire bodies, including their backs, their hands and their wings, were completely full of eyes, as were their four wheels’. However, aside from these googly-eyed angels, angels were also, as we can see from Maimonides, a way of explaining movement in the world. They were spiritual substances that could take on the appearance of corporeal beings, but also acted as invisible, intelligent, immaterial forces.

This view of angels as immaterial ‘intelligences’ became pretty standard in medieval philosophy and theology. But the scholastic period saw an increasing desire to systematise, systematise, systematise. The precise nature or essence of angels became a serious cause for debate, and these debates were not mere thought experiments. Rather, because of the real belief in the existence of angels, theologians and philosophers could think through angels as a way of understanding the nature of the physical world and things like place, bodies and motion. This was motivated by significant theological concerns. One concern was that, if angels are immaterial intelligences, then what makes them different to God? For us, our bodies are what make us limited, able to exercise force only directly, such as when I throw a ball. Does this mean angels, having no body, could exist everywhere or act at a distance? This was dangerous territory for theologians, potentially challenging God’s omnipresence and omnipotence.

The view was that angels had to be located (ie, limited) but without a body. Angelic location was discussed by prominent theologians such as Peter Lombard, Thomas Aquinas, Peter John Olivi, Giles of Rome, Alexander of Hales, John Duns Scotus, St Bonaventure and many more. It was not a fringe topic, saved for pedants and scholars, but of serious importance in the debates that determined the limits and relations of physics, philosophy and theology. Angelology and its synthesis with the physics of its day would prime later thinkers to reflect on the nature of bodies, place and movement, but also, importantly, how they might relate to each other.

The key to understanding the angelic debates of the scholastic period is to understand what conceptual tools the physics of the day provided. For all intents and purposes, this physics was Aristotle. How the Greek philosopher conceived of place, motion and bodies profoundly shaped the medieval worldview. And some of the most prominent theologians of the day, such as Aquinas, used Aristotle to think about the nature of angelic location.

For Aristotle, physics was simply about things that move and, on his account, bodies don’t move because of gravity or kinetic energy or the warping of spacetime but because of their natures. The nature of fire, for example, is to move up, the nature of earth is to move down. That’s why fire licks the air and a rock falls.

 Similarly, there was no concept of absolute space, but rather a concept of ‘place’, which, unlike Newtonian absolute space or Albert Einstein’s spacetime, does not exist entirely independent of the bodies that inhabit it. As the philosopher Tiziana Suárez-Nani points out in Angels, Space and Place (2008), ‘space … as an undifferentiated and homogenous receptacle, was alien to the medieval mind.’ For Aristotle, bodies could not exist without place, which served as a kind of container. Likewise, there had to be bodies for there to be place. In other words, a vacuum is not possible in Aristotle’s view.

In turn, this Aristotelian notion of bodies and place influenced how medieval scholars understood movement. The view was that bodies have a nature that makes them move. This nature makes them move in a certain direction, so place too must be inherently directional. We now understand that direction within space is relative only to a starting reference point; the Universe as we know it has no absolute ‘up’ or ‘down’. But in the Aristotelian worldview, the outermost rim of the celestial spheres provided the absolute reference for ‘up’, with Earth as a stable point at the centre. So, the notion of place had the concepts of either ‘up’, ‘down’, ‘left’ or ‘right’ inbuilt to it. Place was not neutral, but directionally laden, exerting power on bodies because bodies respond to the call of place according to their natures. Fire can travel to an ‘up’ place but not a ‘down’ place etc.

 In sum, Aristotle’s physics linked bodies, place and movement, and each depended upon the other.

 So, what has that got to do with angels? If you recall, theological concerns at the time required angels to have a specific location – to be limited and bodiless – in order to avoid angels with limitless power, rendering them omnipotent as well as omnipresent. Since Aristotle’s physics was the reigning physics of the day, medieval scholars worked to explain these location problems within his framework.

Normally, the material body of something locates it, so how can immaterial angels be located? Aquinas and others solved this problem creatively, locating angels not by their physical dimensionality but by their operations. Aquinas proposed that an angel has a different type of location than a bodily being. An angel is in a place by virtue of applying its power to the physical objects in a given place. This limited both an angel’s operations and their location, locating them by their operations, rather than by a body.

But Aristotle’s physics caused quite a few concerns for some 13th-century church leaders. If a body cannot exist without place, this limits God’s power. If God wanted, some claimed, God could create a rock that did not exist in a place, but Aristotle’s view of place and bodies meant that this was not possible. So when the nature of angels became a kind of playground for thinking about the nature of the world, it was an especially fraught subject.

The question of angels came to a surprisingly acute head when the bishop of Paris Stephen Tempier published his Condemnations of 1277, a list of 219 theses that Catholics were prohibited to hold or teach in the university. This was part of a broader rejection of Aristotle and other ‘pagan’ philosophers. These theses covered various philosophical and theological positions, but an impressive 28 of the 219 had to do with angels also known as ‘separate substances’ or ‘intelligences’. Some of these had to do with the nature of angel location and operation. Importantly, the Condemnations of 1277 forbade believing that angels are located by their operations rather than by their substance, so Aquinas’ solution for angelic location was now off the table. If an angel exists in a place solely by its operations, as Aquinas claimed, then what happens when it’s not operating? Angels had to be rethought. What was their nature and essence such that they could be both immaterial and located? This constraint would require even more creative manoeuvring from scholars.

 The most notable manoeuvring would come from Duns Scotus. His angelology would redefine the concept of place that was so central to Aristotelian and medieval physics and, as Helen Lang notes in Aristotle’s Physics and its Medieval Varieties (1992), this would shift the contours of physics forever.

 


 

As we have seen, angels needed to be ‘located’ and operate in a limited capacity, otherwise they would be omnipresent and omnipotent like God. But the Condemnations of 1277 explicitly forbade Aquinas’ explanation: that angels are in a place according to their operations. The challenge for medieval thinkers was to find a way of locating an angel by its essence, without it being a bodily substance, and to locate their operations, but without those operations being the sole factor ‘locating’ the angels.

One innovation that Scotus brought to escape this double constraint is that he redefined ‘place’. He did this to solve the theological problem of God being able to create a rock outside of place, something theologians claimed God could do, but his solution applied equally to angelic location. In doing so, his creative rethinking of physics would lead to new concepts and reconceptualise old ones, shaping modern physics in a quite radical way.

Here’s what Scotus did: he made ‘place’ more mathematical, less tied to location and more similar to our notion of dimension. When thought about in terms of dimension, the ‘place’ occupied by an object stays the same as the object moves through locations. In this sense, its ‘place’, redefined as dimension, is the same, even though it changes location. In other words, Scotus, as aptly stated by Lang, ‘neutralises’ place radically. On the Aristotelian account, direction or location were part of the definition of ‘place’. When redefined more mathematically as a kind of dimension, direction is no longer a necessary feature of this new kind of ‘place’. You can have an idea much more like that of ‘space’, something that doesn’t inherently contain ‘up’, ‘down’, ‘left’ or ‘right’ in its definition.

 Technically, this meant that God could create a rock in no ‘place’, if place referred to Aristotle’s definition of place, which was a location within the outermost rim of the heavenly spheres. Whereas Aristotle had defined place as a necessary defining feature of physical bodies, Scotus did not. Instead, he created a hybrid account in which something can exist inside the outermost rim of the celestial sphere (occupying place in the Aristotelian sense), but it doesn’t have to; it could equally just occupy space by having dimension outside of that sphere.

 So here you have the creation of new concepts, a kind of precursor to dimension and space, and the rejigging of old ones, separating ‘place’ from a necessary relation to bodies. For Scotus, Aristotle’s place could exist, but it didn’t define bodies. If something did exist in Aristotelian ‘place’, it was by God’s will, and because of what Scotus calls a passive power, which simply means that it is able to exist in a place without it going against the object’s nature.

This new physics left the door open for angels. Scotus argues that angels too possess the passive power to exist in a place by God’s will, because in this new physics, place and body are no longer mutually defining. But unlike physical bodies, which must exist in a determined way in a determined place, angels, because they have no dimensions, can exist only in a determined place in an undetermined way. The image Lang uses, citing Scotus, is of a surface that must have colour, but whose colour can be anything. Angels can occupy a place however small or large, just not infinitely so, and they must operate in a place, though they themselves exist in the place indeterminately.

This radical rethinking of Aristotelian physics, catalysed by medieval debates in angelology, allowed a new understanding of the relationship between bodies, place and motion that helped reformulate our understanding of the very fabric of the cosmos. For Aristotle, motion was just inherent to bodies because bodies had natures that made them seek their natural place. To posit angels as immaterial external forces was indeed oddly closer to a classical physics that sees an invisible force like gravity working on bodies externally. In fact, Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz accused Newton of having introduced occult forces with his theory of gravity, because gravity seemed to be a supernatural force acting on bodies at a distance.
 
 Thought experiments using angels and demons did not disappear in the modern period, but they did shape-shift. Occult beings, often referred to now as ‘demons’, continued to play a significant role in the development of physics. (Theologically, there is very little difference between demons and angels in terms of their metaphysical make-up. Demons are a subset of angels; they are fallen angels.)

In the 1800s, Pierre-Simon Laplace’s demon (which he himself calls merely an intelligence, a word often used to describe angelic substances in the medieval period) was a being endowed with supernatural abilities to know all of the forces in the Universe and the placement of every atom. This being, in addition, has infinite computational power, which it can apply to calculate the trajectory of each atom. Laplace believed this would yield infinite predictive power, and this superintelligence could therefore know the entire history of the world and the ultimate future of the Universe. Such determinism would later be called into question by quantum mechanics.

In a thought experiment to test the second law of thermodynamics in 1867, the Victorian physicist James Clerk Maxwell imagined a hypothetical being (an ‘agent’) with the supernatural ability to detect the location of the molecules. His contemporary William Thomson (later Lord Kelvin) would label it a demon, and the name stuck. ‘Maxwell’s demon’, still called so today, revealed deep connections between information and entropy, evolving our empirical understanding of the world.

Finally, at the turn of the 19th century, the Filon-Pearson demon – proposed by Louis Filon and Karl Pearson – became a so-called ‘colleague of Maxwell’s demon’. It could travel at impossible speeds, teleport, and act at a distance.

 Reactions against such uses of supernatural explanation in physics, even as thought experiments, also helped physics evolve. Einstein, for example, will have read Pearson, and his antipathy towards using supernatural explanations meant that he defined his work in a negative relationship to occult forces. The astronomer Arthur Eddington claimed that Einstein banished the demon of gravitation. And Einstein himself claims to have banished the ‘ghosts’ of absolute time and space with his theory of relativity.
   
But could Einstein have achieved what he did without the precursory belief in angels? Theology certainly motivated a search for alternative accounts relating place, movement and bodies. But although the nature of angels as a topic of focus was the catalyst for discussions about the physics of place, enquiring individuals also thought through angels to understand the nature of the physical world and its relationship to the broader cosmos. And this yielded more complex notions of space, location and dimension, giving them new meaning. The role angels played in such thought experiments was unique: angels transcended the purely physical world but were still ‘creatures’ that abided by the rules and the logic governing the Universe.
 
 In fact, this mediatory role was part of the logic of positing angels in the first place. Angels do feature in the Bible, but Aquinas believed that a priori arguments could be made for angels precisely because the great chain of being couldn’t miss any links. Any gaps mean that human beings could not possibly make the jump to understanding God. We need some intermediary knowledge that would bridge knowledge of God and knowledge of the world. This is why angels, as early as Pseudo-Dionysius in the 5-6th century CE, were equated with language. Speech also mediates between the realm of ideas and the physical world. Otherwise, all the work of angels could simply be explained by God. However, angels, precisely because of their intermediary status, allowed human beings to think about dimensions of created reality that yet transcended our direct human perceptions. 



While it is easy enough to ridicule the suggestion that movement is the result of occult forces such as angels, we cannot, having ascended the ladder of knowledge, so easily kick that ladder out from under ourselves. Studies in embodied cognition are showing that our knowledge is built upon our experience of the world. George Lakoff and Mark Johnson’s Metaphors We Live By (1980) shows how our bodily experiences come together to create complex metaphors, grounding abstract concepts. We equate ‘up’ with ‘more’ when we say ‘the stock market rises’ because when we see, for example, rocks piled up, we learn to equate higher with more. We say we ‘grasp’ an idea because we have experienced reaching for a piece of fruit on a tree. In addition, we have a very hard time imagining a nonphysical thing. What we imagine, when we imagine a soul or an angel or a demon, is some kind of insubstantial, but still ghostly, object.

Although occult forces such as angels and demons may be ridiculed in modern culture as ‘hand-wavey’ explanations of quite logical, down-to-earth scientific phenomena, I would suggest the inverse. That what is most down-to-earth might in fact be to think about the invisible forces of nature as angels, agents, immaterial intelligences with certain properties familiar to us, but amplified. Properties like agency and intention. It is only in thinking through, and with, these more familiar concepts that we can then discover a less intuitive set of concepts, like spacetime, which require grounding in concepts like dimension, body, place and movement. These necessary grounding concepts were sharpened, historically, by thinking through the relationship between the material and immaterial world, and angelology played a significant role in their honing.

The use of supernatural intelligences such as angels and demons to think through physics stuck around long after the actual belief in the existence of these beings had dissipated. It seems that this imaginative framework resounds in the actual structure of how our thought operates. By virtue of this, angelology lay the groundwork for thinking through the nature of place, time and motion in quite complex ways. Did angels and demons carve a conceptual space for the invisible forces that physics would later come to discover? Though it may seem that the scientific and the demonic are at polar ends of the spectrum when it comes to explaining the natural world, angels and demons have actually shaped modern scientific explanation as we know it today.

Legacy of the Angels. By Rebekah Wallace. Aeon, March 18, 2025.






17/12/2023

Anna Atkins Made the First Book of Photographs

 



                       

                        Detail of Rhodomenia sobolifera from Anna Atkins’ Photographs of British Algae, ca. 1843–53



In an era when the Enlightenment’s orderly vision of the natural world began to unravel, Anna Atkins produced the world’s first photography book: a collection of cyanotypes, created across a decade beginning in 1843, that captured algal forms in startling blue-and-white silhouettes. Paige Hirschey situates Atkins’ efforts among her naturalist peers, discovering a form of illustration that, rather than exhibit an artist’s mastery over nature, allowed specimens to “illustrate” themselves.

In the preface to his 1844 book, The Pencil of Nature, English inventor Henry Fox Talbot described his “little work” as the “first attempt to publish a series of plates or pictures wholly executed by the new art of Photogenic Drawing.” Talbot had grandiose ambitions for the future of photography — a medium he had played a role in creating — but this experimentation was already well under way. He was not, as he claimed, the first person to publish a book of photographic prints. That distinction belongs to an amateur botanist named Anna Atkins.

Starting in the early 1840s, Atkins created hundreds of cyanotypes, a photographic process in which paper is treated with a chemical solution before being exposed to sunlight. When objects are left on the treated paper — British ocean plants, in Atkins’ case — over time they produce a white silhouette against an inky blue ground. Bound together, Atkins’ images served as an illustrated supplement to the phycologist William Henry Harvey’s Manual of British Algae (1841). This arrangement was typical at the time, when printing text and images in a single book would have been prohibitively expensive. Indeed, in this and many other ways, Atkins’ work assumed the standard conventions of botanical illustration, and were it not for her use of the novel medium, British Algae would have most likely been forgotten to history.



                    Various algal forms from Anna Atkins’ Photographs of British Algae, ca. 1843–53


 As it is, Atkins has become a posthumous celebrity, raised from obscurity in the 1980s by art historian Larry Schaaf as quite possibly the world’s first woman photographer. Today, her cyanotypes — of ferns as well as algae — are housed in the collections of some of the finest museums in the world and have come to be understood primarily as objets d’art, prized less for their scientific contributions than their artistic merit. Yet beyond their aesthetic innovations, these images convey something important about the understanding of the natural world at a time of scientific upheaval, even if this was not their creator’s explicit intent.

By her own admission, Anna Atkins (née Children) turned to the medium of cyanotypes because she felt they could best capture the minute details of the algal specimens that were the subject of her first photographic book. But by the time Atkins published British Algae, she had already demonstrated her affinity for botanical drawing. After her mother died in her infancy, Atkins was raised by her father, a chemist, mineralogist, and zoologist who gave her a scientific education that would have been uncommon for a woman at that time. Under his guidance, she took up drawing at a young age and illustrated a companion to his translation of Jean-Baptiste Lamarck’s Genera of Shells in 1823. Her prior achievements with hand-drawing naturally lead one to wonder why she would choose to turn to cyanotypes, a more costly and in many ways less practical medium, and there are potential insights to be found in the long evolution of scientific illustration as a genre.



              Illustration by Anna Atkins for John Children's English translation of Jean-Baptiste Lamarck’s Genera of Shells,                          published in Quarterly Journal of Science, Literature and Art, Volume 16 (1823)


Atkins’ illustrational and photographic work situated her within an artistic tradition that stretches back nearly two millennia, with conventions that have evolved over time to suit its users’ needs. Among the earliest iterations of botanical illustration were manuals or “herbals” that helped medical practitioners identify plants with therapeutic properties. In the 1600s, naturalists began documenting the exotic flora they encountered during exploratory trips to the Americas, Africa, and Asia, producing lavishly illustrated books for the homebound European scholar. But the so-called Golden Age of botanical illustration came later, coinciding with the height of the European Enlightenment in the eighteenth century. During this period, one of the primary aims of botanical illustrators was to contribute to the total understanding of the natural universe, a goal that was understood to be not just theoretically possible but actually achievable.

In the field of botany, one of the most prolific contributors to the Enlightenment project was Carl Linnaeus, who developed a standardized system for identifying and naming all manner of flora and fauna. His popularization of binomial nomenclature provided a globally uniform set of species names, while his taxonomy offered an orderly system whereby plants could be divided into genera based almost solely on the structure and number of their reproductive organs, discounting most other features. Linnaeus was handsomely rewarded for his contributions to the field. He was known in his time as the “Prince of Botanists” and was knighted by the King of Sweden in 1758, but this popularity can largely be attributed to the fact that his work reaffirmed the already popular notion that the universe was an orderly system just waiting to reveal its secrets to the keen minds capable of deciphering them.

By the time Atkins was working a century later, this orderly vision of the world had begun to unravel. A confluence of scientific discoveries — from more accurate theories about the age of the earth to the discovery of previously unknown organisms in the fossil record — had led many naturalists, even those who had previously believed in the fixity of species, to hypothesize that the plants and animals that lived in their time had not existed since the world’s beginning but had instead evolved from entirely different species through interactions with their environment.



             Enteromorpha intestinalis (left) and Ulva bullosa (right) from Anna Atkins’ Photographs of British Algae,

                ca. 1843–53


 Jean-Baptiste Lamarck put forward his theory on the “transmutation of species” as early as 1802. Thirty years later, Goethe proposed that “[t]he plant forms which surround us were not all created at some given point in time and then locked into the given form, [rather,] they have been given . . . a felicitous mobility and plasticity allowing them to grow and adapt themselves to many different conditions in many different places.” These whispers eventually culminated in Charles Darwin’s publication of The Origin of Species in 1859, the product of more than two decades of agonizing research.

It is difficult to say just how much Atkins may have been influenced by these ideas. She was surely kept apprised of important discoveries by her father, who played an active role in multiple scientific societies until his death in 1852, but there is no written evidence to suggest that she was particularly invested in the evolutionary debates of the era. Even so, scientific data and how it is presented has always played a part in forming, challenging, or reinforcing its viewers’ understanding of the world, and for all their apparent adherence to tradition, Atkins’ cyanotypes offered a starkly different vision of nature than the one that predominated in her time.

The visual conventions of most nineteenth-century botanical illustration had helped uphold the idea that species were discrete, innate, and unchanging. Specimens were typically displayed alone on a white ground, devoid of environmental context. Although fidelity was paramount, artists would omit distracting imperfections from their drawings, and the final image was often the composite of multiple specimens, implying the existence of a platonic ideal. Sometimes the central subject was surrounded by additional views of the plant in various life stages, or in cross-section, if significant features were obscured in the primary drawing. These conventions suited the purposes of identifying and codifying plant species, but they also reflect a scientific approach that, to quote the ethnobiologist Scott Atran, “emerged by decontextualizing nature, by curiously tearing out water lilies from water so that they could be dried, measured, printed, and compared with other living forms detached from local ecology and most of the senses.”



                  Chromolithograph of fern specimens, published by L. Prang, ca. 1861–97


                                                                                


                  Various fern forms from Anna Atkins’ Cyanotypes of British and Foreign Ferns, 1853


Upon initial examination, a similar charge could be made against Atkins, whose practice necessitated tearing her subjects from their environs and likewise presented them alone on the page, though in her case this was partly a limitation of her chosen medium. Indeed, it was not only the natural context that was concealed by the cyanotype process, the specimen's surface and texture too was lost to these startling, blue-and-white silhouettes.

Despite these limitations, one can’t help but see in Atkins’ images of algae and ferns the ghostly presence of their lost vegetal source, for the cyanotype necessarily preserves the vagaries of an individual specimen. Here the torn leaves and tangled roots, invariably captured by the photographic process, act as an affirmation of the materiality of their subject and help retain something of the amateur engagement with nature in which the plant is met on its own terms, never fully revealing itself to its human observer. Though not literally snapshots, her images capture their subjects at a particular moment in time, granting them an exceptional degree of authenticity when compared to traditional botanical illustration, whose practitioners were still largely involved in upholding a static and increasingly outdated vision of the world. By 1856, around the peak of Atkins’ career, Darwin would disparage his peers’ ongoing efforts to divide the earth’s biota into a set of fixed species as “trying to define the indefinable.”

 The evolutionist’s concerns dovetailed with a contemporaneous, albeit waning, strand of scientific inquiry, one that pushed back against the excesses of an increasingly strict positivism and saw the sensuous engagement with nature as a precondition for genuine understanding. This romantic approach to life science, what Goethe referred to as “tender empiricism”, prioritized the study of processes over organisms in isolation, and understood life to be mutually constituted, constantly changing form through its environmental interactions. As Amanda Jo Goldstein has argued, many of the naturalists and writers who subscribed to this school of thought, among them Goethe, Blake, Shelley, and Herder, put a premium on firsthand engagements with nature and aimed to capture their experiences in poetic modes that reflected their own capacity to affect and be affected by their objects of study.



              Sargassum plumosum (left) and Porphyra laciniata (right) from Anna Atkins’ Photographs of British Algae, 

                 ca. 1843–53

                                                                                         


                    Asperococcus pusillus (left) and Myriotrichia claviformis (right) from Anna Atkins’                                                                       Photographs of British Algae, ca. 1843–53


We can see a similar attitude displayed in Atkins’ cyanotypes. Rather than the artist choosing which parts of the plant to show or emphasize, her subject is put in a position to “draw” itself. Throughout her work, Atkins acts as an equal collaborator, arranging her specimens in desirable configurations but ultimately endowing each plant with the capacity to produce its own image. This authorial shift has important ramifications, not only for the study of Atkins’ work but for the understanding of the human relationship to the natural world at a time when the professionalization of science was still underway. While the Enlightenment vision of nature — and the illustrational conventions it produced — supported the idea that humans existed at the apex of a rigid hierarchy of being, Atkins’ cyanotypes, with all their individual imperfections, seem to hint at the existence of an underlying flux that could not be sufficiently captured by a fixed natural order.

In many ways these images are the product of a distinct historical moment — cyanotypes would not catch on as a viable replacement for botanical illustration — but modern science has legitimized a version of the worldview that Atkins’ images tacitly endorsed. Increasingly we are discovering that the maintenance of a livable biome relies upon vast webs of entanglement, yet still many of us cling to the nineteenth-century notion that we are somehow set apart from the natural world. We have developed tools that allow us to “see” everything from individual atoms to the origins of our solar system, but all of this knowledge has not stopped us from plunging headfirst into the earth’s sixth mass extinction. To understand Atkins’ cyanotypes as merely the relics of an outdated science or the fanciful experimentation of a budding artist is to disregard their most salient contribution. Her images demonstrate a way of knowing the world that is based in mutuality rather than domination. We discount such a lesson at our peril.


Rhapsodies in Blue Anna Atkins’ Cyanotypes. By  Paige Hirschey. The Public Domain Review, December 6, 2023. 




 

In an extract from an essay accompanying a newly published facsimile, Peter Walther tells the story of how this remarkable publication came about.

British Algae (1843-53) by Anna Atkins is thought to be the first book to be illustrated using photographic images. The English botanist (1799-1871) produced her collection using the cyanotype technique, which she became aware of through her father’s friendship with its inventor, John Herschel. Later this month, Taschen is publishing a facsimile of British Algae alongside Atkins’s other book, Cyanotypes of British and Foreign Ferns (1853). Below is an extract from an accompanying essay by Peter Walther, detailing Atkins’s development of the book.

 Anna Atkins herself had collected and dried most of the plants included in British Algae. At harvest time, the algae were immediately rinsed in water, then taken home where she used dissecting forceps and camelhair brushes to remove extraneous matter, before finally pressing and drying them. Since the backs of many of Atkins’ images are pale blue in colour, we can assume that she did not always sensitize the paper with a brush or sponge. Instead, she immersed it in chemical solutions. To create a cyanotype, Atkins placed the plants on to the suitably prepared paper set into a copy frame, which she then covered with a glass plate so as to guarantee the closest possible contact with the support surface. The result was a lavishly detailed outline image. Areas only partly permeable to light appeared brighter in the image than those fully exposed, while denser algae were less distinctly visible.

Alongside the specimen, a label showing the name of the plant was placed on the paper. The label indicating the plant’s name was first dipped in oil to make it transparent, so that when exposed to the light only the script remained.

Depending on the weather and the intensity of the sun the copy frames were left [...] for between five and 15 minutes. After a time, the paper would turn to a yellowish green colour which, after the sheets were rinsed in water, turned to a more or less intense blue.

Anna Atkins gave her cyanotypes serial numbers. Even when she examined the plant numerous times, there were some noticeable differences between specimens belonging to the same series. Before each exposure, the algae were rearranged on the prepared paper. Sometimes they appeared in reverse in the image, but at other times they seemed to have moved only a short distance. The intensity of the blue varied from one species to another. October 1843 saw the publication of around 15 copies of the first volume of British Algae, which she dedicated to her father. In a foreword, Atkins reflected on the reasons why she had produced the book. “The difficulty of making accurate drawings, so minute as many of the Algae and Confervae, has induced me to avail myself of Sir John Herschel’s beautiful process of the Cyanotype, to obtain impressions of the plants themselves, which I have much pleasure in offering to my botanical friends.”

The first editions of the album were sent to the Royal Society, Herschel, [Henry Fox] Talbot, the minerology and photo pioneer Robert Hunt and the book collector Thomas Phillips. The British Museum, the Linnean Society of London and the botanical gardens in London and Edinburgh were similarly honoured. [...] In the subsequent years leading up to the spring of 1849, a total of ten volumes, each containing twelve prints, [were sewn] together by hand. The recipients were responsible for collating and binding the sections together.

Anna Atkins and the Algae : how the first photobook was made in the mid-1800s. By José Da Silva. The Art Newspaper, May 2, 2023.



Anna Atkins. Cyanotypes.  Taschen






The plants are white as ghosts, and they float in fields as sharply blue as the waters off Dover. Each one is a little miracle, their neuron-like roots winding across the page, their leaves revealing every branching vein. These are photographs, produced only with the light of the sun and an amateur’s chemistry set. There was no precedent for them in the early 1840s — when a woman invented the photobook.

She was the British photographer Anna Atkins, who may not be as well known as Louis Daguerre, William Henry Fox Talbot and other men from the medium’s first decade. But her intensely beautiful blueprints of marine plants, which she began making in 1843, are as significant for the development of photography as for the history of science.

Her magnum opus, “Photographs of British Algae,” whose first sections she published 175 years ago this fall, was the first volume ever to be illustrated with photographs, albeit ones made without a camera. Dozens of pages from that book are on view in “Blue Prints: The Pioneering Photographs of Anna Atkins,” on the interplay of science and art at the main branch of the New York Public Library.

Atkins was born in 1799, in the southeast of England; her father, John George Children, was an amateur chemist who went on to work for the British Museum. He also translated several important scientific treatises into English, like an 1823 taxonomy of shells that young Anna painstakingly illustrated for him. He encouraged his daughter’s interest in the natural world; the New York Public Library’s show includes an early herbarium in which she pressed dried thistles and mint sprigs, and an album of tender watercolor landscapes, begun in 1835 and continued for decades after, that Anna painted as a gift to her husband, the Kent landowner John Pelly Atkins.

In 1839, William Henry Fox Talbot announced that he had discovered a new means of “photogenic drawing,” which could trace the details of plants, fabrics or the like on light-sensitized paper. (Photography has the rare distinction of being invented twice: Daguerre and Talbot hit on two different techniques, independently of each other, in the same year.) Talbot presented his technique at the Royal Society, of which John George Children was the secretary, and Anna Atkins would soon correspond with Talbot through her father. Like Talbot, she saw that the new technology of photography would allow for a greater scientific accuracy in botanical illustration — which until then had relied either on letterpress printing, which was only as good as its illustrators, or else on dried specimens that turned brittle before long.

She began to collect seaweed from the southeast coast of England and the ponds around Kent, and she implored friends to lend their own specimens. Then, starting in 1843, she started producing “photographical impressions” of these algae, “many of which,” as she wrote in a letter displayed in the show, “are so minute that accurate drawings of them are very difficult to make.”




 Her chosen technique was the cyanotype — or blueprint, as it would later be known when architects embraced it. You first slather a sheet of paper with a solution of iron salts, then leave it to dry. Next, you place an object on the paper and compress it under a pane of glass. Leave it in the sun for about 15 minutes, then wash the exposed sheet in water, and the uncovered portion of the paper takes on a rich Prussian blue.

The rest of the sheet, obscured by the compressed algae or leaves, features a white negative impression, like an X-ray or a snow angel. The species Dictyota dichotoma becomes a bundle of thick, tangled rhizomes, while Furcellaria fastigiata comprises spindlier, daintier strands that look like nerve endings. One seaweed specimen has the density of a chanterelle mushroom; another appears more like a tangle of fallen feathers.

Yet these are clearly more than an amateur scientist’s recordings. Atkins laid down the plants on the page with a careful eye to composition, often with an attempt at symmetry. Pairs of specimens are arrayed like nearly identical siblings; thicker seaweed results in more indistinct, abstract skeins. The algae bristle and undulate in Atkins’s cyanotypes, whose rich blues, of course, recall the ocean. Even the captions exhibit a playful inventiveness. For the title page of one chapter of her book, she fashioned the letters in “British Algae” out of wispy strands of seaweed, forming its name out of its subject.

As cyanotypes are not made from a negative, each Atkins photogram was one-of-a-kind — making “British Algae” an arduous enterprise that took a decade of labor. (Servants would likely have helped her, though we know next to nothing about her working process.) The resultant books were different, too. Atkins mailed the pages to subscribers as she completed them; readers then sewed the fascicles together as they pleased.

Her efforts to circulate her work, both to eminent botanists and to photography pioneers like Talbot (who was then completing his own first book, “The Pencil of Nature”), make Atkins quite a different figure from other undersung women now enjoying the attention of New York museums — like Orra White Hitchcock, whose scientific illustrations for her husband’s university lessons were shown at the American Folk Art Museum this summer, or Hilma af Klint, the Swedish theosophist whose groundbreaking abstract paintings, now on view at the Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum, were not exhibited during her lifetime. Atkins, while reserved, was no outsider, and her blueprints are as significant for who saw them as for what they depicted. The New York Public Library’s collection of Atkins’s photograms, for one, belonged to John Herschel, the inventor of the cyanotype process.

The library has supplemented its showcase of Atkins with a pendant show upstairs, “Anna Atkins Refracted,” featuring 19 contemporary photographers. Most of them make use of cameraless photography techniques; a good number also engage with themes of botany or the place of women in science. The German photographer Ulf Saupe has created a rich cyanotype that resembles one of Atkins’s undulating algae, but is in fact an impression of a plastic bag afloat in the ocean. Strange, wonderful photograms by Letha Wilson begin from impressions of found flowers and industrial objects; she then folds the exposed sheets, photographs them (with a camera), and reprints the uncanny, Bauhaus-ish result.

 It’s worth returning to the Atkins exhibition once you’ve seen this contemporary showcase, to look again at her blueprints with an eye on their aesthetic daring. “British Algae” has its place in the history of photography and book publishing, but these resonant cyanotypes are also artifacts from a time when science and art were better acquainted. The plants look like river deltas, like plumes of smoke, like controlled detonations, like lightning bolts scything through darkness. The question of whether photography was art would roil audiences for more than a century to come — but Atkins already had the answer.



She Needed No Camera to Make the First Book of Photographs. By Jason Farago. The New York Times, November  15, 2018. 








If a picture is worth a thousand words, then photo books offer even richer narratives. Invented in the 19th century, the form allows for pictorial storytelling, in collectible format. Carefully arranged images convey a photographer’s larger aesthetic aims: Robert Frank’s iconic 1958 monograph The Americans offers a lyrical glimpse of post-war society, while Nan Goldin’s 1986 book The Ballad of Sexual Dependency still induces nostalgia for New York bohemia. Unlike the temporary nature of an exhibition, photo books are always available for return visits.

The tale of photo books themselves began in 19th-century England, with a surprising subject matter and inventor: an amateur botanist named Anna Atkins, whose work is straightforwardly described in the book’s title, Photographs of British Algae: Cyanotype Impressions.

Raised in restrictive 1800s Britain,Atkins created her groundbreaking document with support and mentorship from her progressive, scientist father, John George Children. Atkins’s monograph proved that a new creative medium also had important practical implications for non-artistic disciplines.




Atkins was born in 1799 in Kent, England, and was raised by Children, her mother having died shortly after childbirth. Children, a chemist, encouraged Atkins’s developing passion for botany. Though society dictated strict gender roles—women were expected to be content as homemakers—Children wanted to raise his daughter differently. He offered Atkins and her friends science lessons, and employed Atkins as his lab assistant.

Atkins was also intrigued by photography, a medium still in its nascent stages. She maintained a correspondence with William Henry Fox Talbot, who pioneered the early field of photography. In 1841, Talbot had patented the calotype, which employed a light-sensitive paper coated with silver nitrate that, when exposed to light, recorded light and shadow.

Talbot wasn’t the only Brit to experiment with photography. Children’s circle of friends included Sir John Herschel, an astronomer and chemist who, in 1842, developed another light-sensitive paper that recorded images against a blue background, which he called the cyanotype. The form became a means of reproducing drawings, in particular, architectural blueprints.

In 1841, English physician William H. Harvey published Manual of British Algae; Atkins found the work visually insufficient. Indeed, Harvey had listed and described all the new algae specimens he could find, without offering any illustrations. Atkins, empowered to create her own version, made cyanotypes to imprint the images of algae for posterity. Herschel himself probably taught the process to Atkins.

Today, algae might seem a rather banal subject for history’s first book of photography. Yet New York Public Library curator Joshua Chuang believes that Harvey’s manual and Atkins’s subsequent work were part of a larger natural history craze in Britain. People were cataloging plant life, attempting to harness the multiplicity of nature. “[Some] of the great mysteries of the natural world [were] things from the sea,” he said. “And algae were accessible, beautiful, and various.”

 


This fall, Chuang is mounting two exhibitions at the library: “Blue Prints: The Pioneering Photographs of Anna Atkins” and “Anna Atkins Refracted: Contemporary Works” (co-curated by Elizabeth Cronin, the NYPL’s assistant curator of photography). The first exhibition examines Atkins’s achievements, while the second addresses Atkins’s influence on and resonance within contemporary art practice.

“Blue Prints” will include multiple copies of Atkins’s photo-illustrated manuscript. Between 1843 and 1853, she created and distributed the pages filled with cyanotypes that would become her book, distributing the tome in parts, bound in soft covers. Atkins sent the book to acquaintances, who had to visit bookbinders to sew the different sections together. In all, Atkins produced 17 handmade copies; because of her process, however, no two were alike.

Today, Atkins’s book manifests an ethereal beauty. White, feathery outlines of algae ripple across deep blue backgrounds. Elegant white type along the bottom of each cyanotype gives each species’ name—all sounding, to the untrained ear, more like mystical incantations than botanical designations: Chordaria flagelliformis, Polysiphonia affinis, Cystoseira granulata.

When Atkins died in 1871, her name faded in and out of history. Influential personalities of her time, including Scottish book collector William Lang Jr., recognized her achievement. In 1864, Lang read an article by Talbot about non-silver photographic processes that mentioned Atkins’s work, without mentioning her name. “Lang was so entranced that he thought to himself, ‘I have to find a copy,’” recounted Chuang. After a several-year search, Lang identified a London bookseller with the manuscript and bought it in 1888. He wrote an article about the book in an 1889–90 volume of the Proceedings of the Philosophical Society of Glasgow.

Lang, however, still wasn’t sure who’d created the book: Atkins had signed her work “AA,” leading him to conclude that the initials stood for “Anonymous Amateur.” A few weeks after Lang published his piece, a curator from London’s Natural History Museum wrote to the journal editor and said that he, too, owned a copy of the book in question, and he knew it was by a Mrs. Atkins. Lang embarked on a series of public exhibitions and lectures, conducting, said Chuang, something “almost like an Anna Atkins roadshow.”

Lang’s finances suffered towards the end of his life, and he had to sell off a portion of his library that included Photographs of British Algae. When he died in the early 1900s, Atkins lost a major champion. According to Chuang, a 1955 history of photography included her name, along with just a few sentences.




Finally, in the 1970s, an art historian named Larry Schaaf, working at the University of Texas at Austin, discovered Atkins’s work and attempted to piece together her biography. “He basically put her on the map not only as a pioneer of photography, but also the first person to publish a photographically illustrated book,” said Chuang. In 1985, Schaaf helped re-publish Atkins’s work in Sun Gardens: Victorian Photograms.

In the years since, contemporary curators have bolstered Atkins’s reputation. In 2004, the Drawing Center in New York and the Yale Center for British Art organized a show—“Ocean Flowers: Impressions from Nature in the Victorian Era”—of 19th-century botanical photography, which included prints by Atkins alongside those of Talbot and Herschel. A 2010–11 exhibition at the Museum of Modern Art, entitled “Pictures by Women: A History of Modern Photography,” included Atkins’s cyanotypes alongside work by Diane Arbus, Cindy Sherman, and other women photography leaders.

Curators, scholars, and artists alike are ensuring that Atkins’s name remains integral to art canon. Her story, like so many others, reminds us that artistic innovation isn’t enough to secure an adequate legacy—future generations must write about and champion worthy projects. Atkins’s brilliant work, which was nearly lost to history, is getting a new chance to shine


The 19th-Century Botanist Who Changed The Course of Photography. By Alina Cohen.  Artsy,   October 16, 2018












26/11/2023

Georg Matthias Bose's Electric Venus And Other Attractions of Electricity in the Eighteenth Century

 




Electricity was one of the emblems of enlightened modernity. The “youngest daughter of the sciences,” as the philosopher and theologian Joseph Priestley defined it, offered a vocabulary and a repertoire of embodied sensations with which to articulate visions of human progress. Enlightened moderns turned the page on the nostalgic look to the past that characterized the previous centuries. Electricity was one of the tools they brandished to articulate a historical narrative that positioned them at the beginning of a new age of cumulative knowledge, material progress, and racial superiority. They conceded that the attractive properties that amber—“elektron” in Greek—acquired when rubbed had been known since antiquity but noted that only in the present had experimenters demonstrated that electricity was a universal power of nature.
 
One of the earliest British writers on the medical applications of electricity, Richard Lovett, regarded the phenomena of the Leyden jar, discovered in 1746, as nothing less than an act of divine revelation. The Italian scholar Ludovico Muratori similarly declared that God “reserved for our times the discovery of a most wonderful phenomenon. I mean electricity.” Jean-Jacques Rousseau believed that if “a person had started up, in the last century, armed with all those miracles of electricity which are now common to the meanest of our experimentalists, it is certain he would have been burnt for a sorcerer, or followed as a prophet.”
 
The widespread success of the new science was facilitated by a preexisting experimental culture that crossed boundaries between academic and the social realms. Academic journals and popular magazines, along with a vast variety of other texts, popularized the surprising results of a heterogeneous group of self-styled “electricians” or “medical electricians,” many of whom had just a smattering of natural philosophy and often no medical training at all. The Swiss physiologist Albert von Haller remarked in a long article on electricity that was published in the Gentleman’s Magazine in 1747 that electrical demonstrations had awakened the curiosity of those who would not normally pay attention to experimental philosophy. Not only the literate but even the “ladies and people of quality, who never regard natural philosophy but when it works miracles,” became interested in electricity: Everyone wanted to see a “lady’s finger darting flashes of lightning, or her charming lips setting houses on fire.”
 
All over Europe and its colonies, electrical performances shocked and instructed. They offered sensorial evidence for the existence of an all-permeating natural substance that did not reveal itself unless properly prodded. The spectacle of electricity relied on “electrical machines” that made the newly discovered power of nature tangible. Participants in electrical demonstrations experienced with their own senses the effects of the invisible power that performers initially called “electric fire.” When connected to the electrical machine, audience members’ bodies responded uncontrollably to the passage of electricity: their hands attracted small feathers or pieces of papers without their touching them, their hair stood straight up, and their entire bodies jolted when they underwent the “electric commotion.” Only following Benjamin Franklin’s 1752 kite experiment did the association between lightning and electricity become widely accepted. Before then, there was no clear understanding of the nature of the electric matter. The popular experiments seemed to demonstrate that electricity was an ever-present natural substance, even when invisible.
 
Electrical demonstrators were eager for their audiences to understand that the electrical machine did not create any effect, since it only revealed the electric matter that existed in nature. However spectacular, their performances were by no means to be confused with magic tricks. In The History and Present State of Electricity (1767), Priestley admitted that the phenomena of electrical attractions and repulsions “looked like the power of magic” and so, without explanation, “and with a little art,” they could very well be used for “a deception of this kind.” However, he underscored, the electrical machine was a “philosophical instrument,” not a magician’s tool, because it exhibited “the operations of nature, that is of the God of nature himself.” Just as the air pump—another philosophical instrument according to Priestley—demonstrated that the vacuum was a natural phenomenon, the electric machine manifested the electric fire, it did not create it.
 
While experts debated the nature and properties of electricity without reaching consensus, electrified bodies seemed to provide evidence that electricity was an all-permeating, if still largely poorly understood, natural power. In his Essai sur l’électricité des corps (Essay on the electricity of bodies), published in 1746, French physicist Jean-Antoine Nollet offered the first comprehensive theoretical account of all known electrical phenomena, supporting his theory with a description of the physiological responses that any electrified audience member could feel. He believed that streams of electric matter—which shared some features with the substance of fire—issued in and out of electrified bodies. Participants in his lectures could use their own bodies to understand this theory: when they brought their cheeks close to an electrified object, they could feel the stream of electric fire causing a delicate tingling in their faces, and they could also see sparks issue from their fingers, hear cracking noises, and smell sulfuric odors.
 
Electrified bodies jolted, whooped, and gasped, potentially disrupting the codes of civility and politesse of eighteenth-century sociability. Natural philosophers whose lectures attracted aristocrats, like Nollet in Paris and Georg Matthias Bose in Leipzig, devised strategies to make the uncontrollable electrified body socially acceptable. They turned electrical demonstrations into a new kind of group dance. Lecturers led participants in explosive choreographies that showed that the loss of control caused by electrification was only temporary. Just as men and women in the group dances performed during the social gatherings of elites were assigned different steps, so the most popular electrical demonstrations enacted well-established gender roles, which played with the elite culture of courtship and seduction, along with the sexual allusions connected to the vocabulary and gestures of electrical experiments.
 
Bose, who performed for the duchess of Gotha, designed an experiment that turned ladies into electric Venuses. For this demonstration, which he called “Venus electrificata” and which Franklin later renamed the “electric kiss,” a lady stood on an insulated stool while a gentleman tried to kiss her, only to receive painful sparks from her lips. Gentlemen, in their turn, could perform their virility by “inflaming spirits,” that is, setting fire to alcohol with electrified swords. For those who preferred a less aggressive model of masculinity, Bose designed an electric “beatification,” which made a luminous halo appear above a person’s head. Nollet’s celebrated “electric commotion,” an experiment where people holding hands experienced an instantaneous electric shock at the same time, borrowed bodily gestures from the cotillion, a dance popular at court and among the aristocracy. The first and most spectacular iteration of such demonstration took place in the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles, the place for special balls, where Nollet invited one hundred eighty people to form a human chain. Not surprisingly, Haller commented in his article that electricity had “replaced the quadrille” in the social gatherings of the time.
 
Bose also introduced a gendered terminology into his theory of electric attractions and repulsions, which presented an innovative explanation of electrical phenomena based on the distinction between “male” and “female” electric fire. According to this theory, the male fire, emitted by metals and animal bodies, was strong and powerful, and sparks, with their crackling sound, were its visible manifestations. The female fire, on the other hand, was a weak luminous emanation, the kind of light that characterized the aurora borealis. The gendered roles participants were assigned at electrical soirées in which entire families took part turned the potentially indecorous effects of electrification into socially acceptable choreographies.
 
Electrical demonstrations took place for the most part in the dark and capitalized on the gallantry and innuendo that characterized eighteenth-century sociability. The gestures associated with electrical experiments—the rubbing of a long glass rod that emitted a stream of sparks or the gentle caressing of a globe—elicited the salacious curiosity of the salon goers and captivated the imagination of pornographers and satirists. Theories that connected the electric matter to the principle of life, together with the discovery of animal electricity later in the century, further excited the popular imagination. The Marquis de Sade was profoundly inspired by the violent bodily convulsions caused by the discharge of the Leyden jar and liberally employed electrical vocabulary in his works. The idea that electricity could be used to promote fertility was at the core of the Temple of Health and Hymen, the London extravaganza of the medico-electrical quack George Graham. Among its many prodigious treatments, the temple featured a “celestial bed” surrounded by electrical effluvia, where couples allegedly could successfully conceive. Authors who believed that the electric fire was connected to virility found short-lived confirmation in the rumor that the Leyden experiment did not work on the castrati. Although the rumor was unfounded, the very fact that it spread reveals the pervasiveness of the sexualized interpretations of electricity.




 
 
Adapted from In the Land of Marvels: Science, Fabricated Realities, and Industrial Espionage in the Age of the Grand Tour by Paola Bertucci.. Published by  Johns Hopkins University Press. 2023. .

 

The Youngest Daughter of the Sciences :  Electrical performances shocked upper-class eighteenth-century audiences. By Paola Bertucci. Lapham’s Quarterly, November 1, 2023. 






Where did this excitement come from?
 
Francis Hawksbee the Elder built his influence machine and people experimented with rubbing glass balls and rods of resin. And then, during the 1740s, the phenomenon of electricity became a subject of popular wonder in the salons of Europe, especially in Germany. Fascinated by Hawksbee’s experiments and Dufay’s writings, Georg Mathias Bose, a young poet and physicist from Leipzig, devised a series of technical feats intended to impress a public of respectable ladies and gentlemen who hurried to admire the spectacle of this new fire, ‘electric fluid’, surging spontaneously from matter.
 
‘Sanctified by science and frozen with surprise’
 
What did Bose’s device consist of? He would invite guests to break bread with him. Beforehand, he would insulate all the furniture and his own chair. The apprentice wizard would then discreetly touch a thin copper wire placed under a tray and connected to a hidden generator activated by an accomplice; then, with gravitas, Bose would put his hand flat on the table. The current passed along the guests’ arms, which they would politely rest on this same table, and the crowd, sharing a look of panic, would become overjoyed, surprised, and dishevelled, their hair standing on end as it teemed with thousands of crackling sparks. ‘It’s marvellous!’ one exclaimed. A few months later, Bose invented a machine for mechanical beatification, with the ‘saint’ seated on an insulated chair, the top of his head covered by a little pointy metal hat, under a sort of crown of bits of cardboard and junk. The current was diffused by a long wire that hung just above a metal plate. Situated barely a centimetre higher than the crown, it set off a crackling of sparks that outlined a halo above the head of the person now sanctified by science and frozen with surprise.
 
‘My mouth twisted, and my teeth almost broke!’
 
Bose’s imagination was particularly drawn to an attraction called ‘the electric kiss of Leipzig’, which he lyrically describes in his poem ‘Venus electrificata’. Having been insulated from the current beforehand, a beautiful young woman would be connected to Bose’s primary generator, her lips coated with a conductive substance. An honourable audience member was then invited to come up and kiss the girl. The twenty-something-year-old man would bring his quivering lips close to those of the Venus and suffer a violent discharge. The astonished public would then see a surging flash between the mouths of the two young people. The man, having literally received the shock of his life, would be momentarily dazed, the power of the electricity, the fire emanating from the woman, leaving him breathless. ‘The pain came from up close, and my lips were quaking. My mouth twisted, and my teeth almost broke!’
 
‘A fire of the purest kind’
 
Bose, the maths professor Hausen, and Winkler, their young colleague in Eastern languages, all set Leipzig ablaze with audacious experiments straddling the line between physics and quackery; in this period, the ‘electric fairy’ (la fée électricité) was still a magical form of scientific entertainment, an irrational promise of reason. Soon enough, the games would be replaced by theories. But, for the time being, the fumes of this subtle fluid sparking a fire in the ether stoked the spirits of Europe and sketched the outline of a new image of human desire. ‘Madame, you are now filled with fire, a fire of the purest kind, one that will cause you no pain as long as you keep it in your heart, but one which will also make you suffer as soon as you communicate it to others.’ Lying latent, perhaps this internal fire is to blame for only revealing itself through contact with her suitor, the man who tries to kiss her. This fire represents the desirability of the young woman; sensual desire is like an electric force and, conversely, electricity is like the natural libido of all matter, just waiting for its suitor, humanity, to reveal itself.
 
‘The shiver of a new intensity’
 
In the guise of desire, electricity is not without danger, but it triggers the shiver of a new intensity, that of an ‘unthinkable fluid’. We still did not know the nature of this fluid or its possible uses. The human body served as the principal conductor for these first demonstrations of electrostatic power. Like an electric shiver through the body, something happens that makes manifest the occult power of certain objects to repel or attract others, to heat up, to set off sparks, and to produce a combined discharge of energy and light. But soon the human body was replaced by metal. Flesh, muscles, and nerves were separated from this mysterious impulse. It returned to its place within things, as the first electrostatic generators, Leyden jars, batteries in cylinders, and trays of thousands of jars were constructed.
 
‘An intoxication cultivated by the modern mind’
 
But then electricity entered into humanity, where it would always remain as a sort of intoxication cultivated by the modern mind. Like blood coursing through the veins of society, electric light spread through optical science and transported fabulous cinematographic images to the screen. It broke the image into a thousand bits of light, decomposed and encoded it into short pulses capable of being transmitted over distances, and made way for the diffusion of television. It invaded all data, images, texts, and sounds and then placed itself in the service of electronics. It illuminated the street lights of the great capitals as well as the lamps above the beds of children reading late into the night. It fed the indefatigable motor of growth and progress. It demanded that dams, generators, power plants, and windmills be constructed. It set in motion all things or nearly all things to the extent that humanity, without even knowing it, became the living medium between entities (cables, telephones, radios, pacemakers…). Little by little, humanity forgot the electric nature of those entities, but the idea remained in the bloodstream. It was as if Leipzig’s kiss, which sealed the modern alliance of desire and electricity, had never ended.
 
Extracted from The Life Intense: A Modern Obsession by Tristan Garcia.  Edinburgh University press, 2018.
 
 
What Electricity Has Done to Thought: an excerpt from The Life Intense by Tristan Garcia. By Naomi Farmer. Edinburgh University Press, October 2018.





The Nature is generous. By endowing sulfur and glass with the property of attraction, it has allowed everyone to seize the electrical phenomenon. The simplest stick of sulfur or the most banal glass tubes already give beautiful effects. But these materials lend themselves especially to the manufacture of "machines" which will complete the "cabinets of curiosities", obligatory attraction of any noble or bourgeois home that respects itself, from the second half of the 17th century.

Otto de Guericke (1602-1686)

Among the builders, a name emerges, that of Otto de Guericke. He is the descendant of a family of notables from the free city of Magdeburg. His father and grandfather served as mayor, helping to make it a prosperous and populous city. He studied first at the University of Leipzig and then joined Leiden to complete his studies in languages as well as in the art of fortifications and war machines.

In 1626, he returned to Magdeburg where his knowledge quickly became useful because, in 1631, the Protestant city was besieged by the armies of the German Emperor in conflict with Sweden whose city is allied.

On May 20, at dawn, the troops of Catholic mercenaries of warlord Tilly, composed of Spaniards, Italians, French, Poles and Germans enter the city. The population resists heroically but fails to repel the attackers. Then begins what has been remembered as the "massacre of Magdeburg": in four days, twenty thousand civilians have been killed by the sword or burned alive in the fire of their house.

Once peace is restored, Otto de Guericke helps raise the city from its ruins and becomes mayor. In this position, he represented Magdeburg at the peace congress which, in 1648, ended this "thirty-year war". Good negotiator, he gets for his city, the recognition of his old privileges. This mission leads him to sit on the Imperial Diet. It was at one of these meetings, in Regensburg, in 1654, that he chose to reveal the capabilities of the vacuum pump he had recently developed.

The so-called "Magdeburg hemispheres" experiment is well known. It follows Torricelli's experiments (1608-1647) on atmospheric pressure.

In 1643, to respond to the problem posed by the Florence fountain-makers who had difficulty pumping water into their wells beyond 32 feet (about 10 meters), Toricelli had spilled a tube full of mercury on a tank containing the same liquid. He could see that the mercury was falling down the tube to stabilize at a height of 28 inches (76cm) above the free surface. He thus demonstrated the existence of the atmospheric pressure but also that of the emptiness which, according to his adversaries, Nature had "horror".

The subject fascinates Otto Guericke who undertakes successfully, the development of a pump capable of evacuating  air from a container full of it. After trying to empty a barrel that did not resist the experiment, Guericke had a copper sphere made up of two contiguous hemispheres and equipped with a tap. In front of a large audience, he is emptying into this imposing sphere of a diameter of 1.19 meters. Twenty-four horses hitched to the hemispheres are unable to break the adhesion between the two parts.

 This experience radically inaugurates the practice of "science show" whose popularity will also be decisive in the advancement of electrical science.

The experience of the "Hemispheres of Magdeburg" is a landmark in the history of mechanics. Guericke's place in that of electricity is more modest. His contribution in this area was, moreover, ignored by most of his contemporaries. Yet, nearly a century later, several physicists, and in particular the Frenchman Dufay, note that one would have gained to consider his experiments with more attention.

Guericke, in fact, is not realy interested in electricity. He meets it only through the questions he asks himself about the functioning of the Universe and first of all about that of the earth. Among the "virtues" he attributes to our globe, two seem to him fundamental. First a "conservative" virtue: the earth attracts all the materials that are necessary for its formation, water, rocks ... Then an "expulsive" virtue: it repels everything that can destroy it. Fire, for example, whose flame rises to the sky.

Guericke offers of it a spectacular demonstration. Take, he says, a glass balloon the size of a "child's head", fill it with finely ground sulfur, heat up to the fusion of the sulfur, let cool, break the glass and collect the sulfur globe . Equip the globe with a handle and place it on a wooden support. Rub this ball vigorously with a very dry hand.

The ball will then manifest many of the earthly virtues. "Conservative" virtue first, attracting light objects to her.

More amazing is the observation of the "expulsive" virtue ! The globe sometimes repels what it first attracted. A feather, for example, after touching the globe is repulsed. So suspended in the air, it can be walked around the room. Better: whatever the movement of the globe it seems to always present the same face. Exactly like the moon opposite the earth.

Guericke, who has read Gilbert, can not doubt for a moment that the attraction virtue of the earth is simply electrical in nature. As for repulsive virtue, no one before him seems to have noticed it. He attributes to it a different cause and imagines it only proper to the constituent elements of the earth and among these to sulfur. It passes, thus, beside a truth which will remain long obscure until the French Dufay shows that the electricity also has a "repulsive virtue"!

Guericke's experiments contain other rich intuitions. To prove that the air is not the vehicle of the attraction, it shows that this virtue can be transmitted by means of a linen thread, more than a meter long, stretched from the surface of the globe. This first observation of the electrical "conduction" will also remain without a future. It will be up to the Englishman Gray to rediscover it almost a century later.

Even if its title of glory remains the famous experiment of the hemispheres and if its theoretical contribution in the field of electricity remained limited, the talent of observer and experimenter of Guericke, recognized by his successors, deserves the place which him is reserved in the Pantheon of electricians.

Hauksbee ( ?- 1713)

Electricity and vacuum works together in the machines devised by Francis Hauksbee.

 The first years of his life are not well known. Self-taught, he is noticed by Newton. In December 1703, the famous physicist, author of the law of universal gravitation, became president of the Royal Society of London, the largest English Scientific Academy. He hires Hauksbee as his lead experimenter. Until 1705, it animates the sessions of the Academy. In particular by classic vacuum experiments inspired by Guericke.

From this date he moves towards the study of "mercurial" or "barometric" phosphorescence. Since 1675, a fortuitous observation intrigues physicists. When a barometric tube arranged in the conditions of the Toricelli experiment is jostled in the darkness, a phosphorescent glow appears in the emptiness released at the upper part of the tube. When Hauksbee tackles the problem, it is generally accepted that this glow comes from an emanation of mercury. For his part he chooses to use method and study the respective roles of emptiness, glass and mercury.

The vacuum ? Hauksbee partially fills a balloon with mercury in which he creates vacuum. The whole remains dark as long as the liquid remains motionless. It is therefore clear that the vacuum is not sufficient but that, on the other hand, the friction caused by the movement is essential.

 Friction on mercury or on glass? From November 1705 Hauksbee uses, to answer this question, a montage which ignores mercury. It is a sphere of glass provided with two diametrically opposed copper pieces serving as its axis. This sphere can be put in rapid motion by placing it on a machine inspired by a carpenter's wheel. But its essential property is to have been conceived so that one can realize the emptiness. Hauksbee took the precaution of keeping a valve in one of the parts of the shaft that can be connected to a vacuum pump.




The sphere, emptied of its air, is set in motion and rubbed by the hand of the experimenter. Suddenly, in the darkness, the sphere fills with a strong diffuse glow. A wall ten feet away is illuminated. A book held near the globe can be read. When a finger approaches the sphere, the light is concentrated in filaments that seem attracted by this finger. The light gradually decreases when, little by little, the air is allowed to enter the tube.

 Even when the atmospheric pressure is reached, we can still catch some light from the globe. It is external this time, and present themselves in the new form of sparks. Hauksbee still hesitates but for Newton opinion, the light does not come from emptiness, nor from mercury but from glass!

We now know that if it is the glass that is electrified, the light comes from the air. In the "empty" globe, there is still residual gas and it is "ionized" under the effect of the electric field created by the friction of the glass. It becomes, by this fact, bright, like neon in a tube of lighting. Naturally this interpretation was impossible to those who had neither the knowledge of the nature of the air, nor, still less, of the existence and constitution of the atoms.

 This "electrical phosphorescence" will continue to obsess generations of physicists. His study will lead to cathode-ray tubes, which for some time still equip our televisions and computers screens. The discovery of X-rays, that of electrons, that of radioactivity, will also be at the end of this adventure that we will discuss later.

For the moment, Hauksbee's spectacular and frightening demonstrations in the darkness of a cabinet are becoming the star experiences of physics shows.

Tube or globe?

One thing is certain: for those who saw glass as a secondary material and with few electrical effects, and who continued to prefer amber, sulfur or wax, Hauksbee opposed them a convincing denial.

Glass is essential, but in what form? Hauksbee himself for his classical demonstrations renounces his spheres and uses only a tube of flint-glass, the flint-glass used for optics and of which the English are the specialists. With a tube one meter long and three centimeters in diameter, it attracts thin sheets of copper several tens of centimeters apart. These sheets of copper, or better of gold, more sensitive than pieces of string or paper, will become the classic material of electrical laboratories. To put them in motion, a glass tube is more than enough.

 The globe, mounted on a tower, will be forgotten for thirty years until, around 1733, a German physicist, Bose, takes up the idea.

Bose (1710-1761)

Georg Matthias Bose, born in Leipzig, is interested in new physics and mathematics while pursuing his medical studies. In 1738 he was appointed to a chair of "natural philosophy" at the University of Wittenberg. From this position, he establishes a close relationship with all that Europe counts as well-known people, both scientists and men of letters, religion and politics. The magic aspect of electricity seduces him. When his readings lead him to meet the electrical experiments of Gray and Dufay (two persons of prime importance that we will talk about again), and in particular those on conductors and insulators; when, moreover, he finds the description of Hauksbee's globe, he knows that he has found both his vocation and his public.

It first completes the Hauksbee device with an assembly that will become the standard for all European laboratories. An iron tube, sometimes in the form of a rifle barrel, hangs horizontally from two cords of silk. He grazes, without touching it, the rubbed glass globe. This "first conductor" will then be used to distribute the "electrical fluid" through various chains or conductors to the surrounding experimental devices.

Bose then organizes "electric parties" that are not limited to its student audience. Imagine a meal where you have invited all the prominent notables in your city. The legs of the table have been isolated by wax patties as well as the chair that you have reserved for yourself. From the electric machine you have operated and concealed, a connecting wire is brought near your hand. At the moment your guests want to grab their fork, you just have to do the contact with the table so that an electric shock comes to make them jump on their chair. At dessert you will set a liquor cup on fire simply by the approach of one of your fingers from where only the closest spectators will have seen a spark escape. Your guests will then be ready to follow you in the cabinet of curiosities where you will transport them in a universe at once wonderful and terrifying.

Wonderful! Wafers of thick wax are placed on the floor. Each participant climbs on one of them and reaches out to his neighbors, forming a chain whose first link firmly holds the rifle barrel suspended above the globe of the machine. When the globe is set in motion, the person at the other end of the chain reaches out over gold leaves placed on a plate. Each one then sees the leaves rise from a light flight, as attracted by a magic will, towards the open hand of the experimenter. Let's put out the candles that light up this closed-shuttered salon and reach for the driver of the machine, we will see sparkling sparks. In the form of apotheosis we can propose the demonstration of the "electric beatification". The loveliest person in the assembly is invited to climb on a cake of wax and to seize the driver. When the machine is vigorously activated, its hair unfolds in a halo which illuminates, in the darkness, a thousand gleams of holiness.

Terrifying ! The man who has the courage to run a few drops of his blood sees them glitter like fire beads in the dark as he grabs the electric conductor. Tense fingers of a person connected to the machine can kill the poor flies to which the spark will be directed. Could we not make more serious victims tomorrow? Such manipulations would certainly have condamned their authors to be burned in the times, still close, of the Inquisition!

 Terrifying and traitor! As beautiful as the young person haloed by the contact of the machine be, it will not be prudent to approach his lips for a kiss. The "Electrified Venus" will defend its virtue by a vigorous electric shock.





 L’abbé Nollet (1700-1770)

The news of these wonders reaches France and in particular to the Abbé Nollet who is then one of the most prominent European electricians. He said he could not sleep until he himself had built and perfected a machine.

The globe, one foot in diameter, used by Nollet, is thick glass. The wheel which drives it by means of a belt passing by a pulley fixed on its axis, must be at least four feet in diameter and be provided with a crank which allows two men to activate it. Nollet prefers to rub the globe by hand but many European physicists have chosen to add a leather cushion.



 The plate machines.

 This voluminous machine will fit most physics cabinets until the Englishman Ramsden (1735-1800) builds the first plate machine in 1768. The plate machine is perfected quickly and will become really effective when the first machines appear. " with electrical influence ", ie requiring no friction. The famous machine invented by the English Wimshurst in 1883, still equips the laboratories of our high schools.

History of electricity. The first electric machines.  Le blog d'histoire des sciences, June 3, 2018.





 





 

In March 2017, Elon Musk, chairman of Tesla, flamboyantly proposed a solution to South Australia’s chronic power shortages in the ever-worsening summer heat. He would meet peak electricity demand by building a wall of batteries capable of storing up to 100 MWh of electricity; and it would be operational in 100 days or he would give it away for free. The news was just the latest indication of how spectacularly the economics of electricity storage have shifted in recent years. Yet the problem of storage takes us right back to the earliest days of electrical discovery, when a semi-accidental discovery by a gentleman scientist set the world on the road toward an electrical future.
 
Ewald von Kleist was born with a silver spoon in his mouth. The von Kleists were one of the more prominent noble families in the Prussian aristocracy, which for generations would supply high ranking administrators and military officers for the state – almost all of them called Ewald. Little is known of his childhood, but he went to university in Leiden, Netherlands in the 1720s where he studied law and theology. But while he would later become dean of the cathedral chapter in Kamień Pomorski, Poland, he also seems to have fallen under the spell of Willem ’s Gravesande, who introduced Isaac Newton’s work to the Netherlands and quantified the idea of kinetic energy, and Jean-Nicolas-Sebastien Allamand, his Swiss–Dutch pupil. When von Kleist returned home to Pomerania he took up science as a hobby, a common pastime for educated gentlemen of the day.
 
The 18th century was the age of weird electrical phenomena. Building on the century-old observation that objects could be charged simply rubbing one against another, all kinds of electrical ‘machines’ had been built. Wonderful demonstrations were devised. Among the most famous was Stephen Gray’s ‘The Flying Boy’, in which a small child was suspended by silk threads and then charged up, giving off spectacularly amusing sparks to anyone who approached. Among the masters of the public demonstration was Georg Matthias Bose (no connexion with Satyendra Nath Bose who developed the quantum mechanics of even spin particles in the 20th century), whose demonstrations were particularly flamboyant and piquant – in the ‘Electric Venus’ an attractive young woman was made to stand on a disc of insulating resin and charged up. Men in the audience were then invited to come up and kiss her, only to receive a nasty shock on the lips. Then, with the lights in the room extinguished, Bose would charge up a volunteer or assistant dressed in a suit of medieval armour equipped with sharp spikes. As the voltage rose, a blue-violet corona discharge could be seen in the darkness, a ghostly effect effect that Bose called ‘beatification’.
 
But among the japes there was real science. Bose showed that electrical conductors could become charged provided they were insulated from the ground using suitable material. He ‘electrified’ water in a drinking glass, and drew sparks from it using a finger or, more theatrically, with a sword. It presented a contradiction: fire could somehow pass through water. In public, Bose heightened the drama by setting fire to alcohol using a spark.
 
His demonstration experiments caused a sensation. Von Kleist, who had an electrical machine of his own, probably wondered whether the electricity could not be stored in the liquid itself. On 15 October 1745 he filled a small medicine bottle with alcohol or water and stoppered it, having hammered a nail through the cork to allow the electricity to reach the liquid. He then touched the nail to his machine. In the dim evening light he noticed a ‘pencil of fire’ around the nail, which lasted while he walked 60 paces around the room holding the bottle. When he touched it with his finger he received a massive electrical shock that stunned his arm and shoulder – enough to make von Kleist extremely wary of his bottle.
 
Astonished by his discovery, he wrote to several academics in Berlin, Hallé, Leipzig and Gdánsk, all of whom failed to reproduce the effect. He may also have written to university friends in Leiden, because four months later the university’s professor of physics Pieter van Musschenbroek reported an almost identical experiment in letters to the French scientist René de Réaumur. Arguments have swirled among historians about how the Leiden experiment came about. It is known that a lawyer Andreas Cunaeus, who spent his spare time with van Musschenbroek and Allamand, was involved and he is generally agreed to have received the first major jolt in Leiden.
 
Were the three aware of von Kleist’s work? Van Musschenbroek has been dismissed by historians as an indifferent electrical experimenter, tending to spend more time repeating others’ work carefully than on embarking on anything new. We may never know the precise sequence, but the uncertainty over priority has led to the gradual disappearance of the term Kleistian, to be replaced by the more generic Leyden (Leiden) jar – a term coined by French scientist Jean-Antoine Nollet, who translated van Musschenbroek’s work.



 
Von Kleist died less than three years after his discovery, probably oblivious to its significance. The ability to store charge opened up new possibilities in the study of electrical phenomena. Metallic coatings on the inside and outside of the jar improved its performance, but American scientist Benjamin Franklin in particular showed that the charge was stored on the glass rather than the metal. He also began to link them in series (‘in cascade’) to make a battery of Leyden jars. In Bologna, Luigi Galvani used the jars to make dead frogs twitch and likened electric eels to biological Leyden jars; Alessandro Volta (Chemistry World, June 2011, p58) used them to demolish Galvani’s speculations. Kleist has also been referred to, rather improbably, as ‘the father of the telegraph’ due to the role Leyden jars played in its development.
 
Perhaps there is some irony that, while today there has never been a greater need to store electricity, the first scientific studies of electricity were made possible by a reliable storage device. There really is nothing new under the sun.
 
Von Kleist's jar. By Andrea Sella. Chemistry World, March 28, 2017. 











In 1737, a poet/physicist at the University of Leipzig, Georg Matthias Bose, became enthalled with the electrical experiments of Hauksbee, Shilling and Dufay. After constucting a static electric generator (little more than a rotating glass sphere with a friction rubber of fur and a brass conductor), he proceded to conduct demonstrations such as the electrical kiss (Venus electrificata, the attempted osculation of an electrified young lady) and his pièce de résistance, Beatification.
 
His poetic nature enabled him to describe the process of Beatification in such woolly terms, that he had the monopoly on the demo. No-one could replicate his production of a halo hovering above the cranium. It was trickery, in so much as it required an evacuated crown to be worn, with a highly electrified conductor above that. Rackstrow managed to replicate the process in 1748, as shown in the engraving above. However, the controversy raged for many years....
 










The High Voltage Beatification of Professor Bose at Wittenburg.  Lateral Science Blog, November 23, 2015. 




Electricity was the craze of the eighteenth century. Thrilling experiments became forms of polite entertainment for ladies and gentlemen who enjoyed feeling sparks, shocks and attractions on their bodies. Popular lecturers designed demonstrations that were performed in darkened salons to increase the spectacle of the so-called electric fire. Not only did the action, the machinery and
the ambience of such displays match the culture of the libertine century, it also provided new material for erotic literature.
 
Electric party
 
‘A turkey is to be killed for dinner by the electric shock, and roasted by the electric jack, before a fire
kindled by the electrified bottle; when the healths of all the famous electricians of England, France, Holland, and Germany, are to be drunk in electrified bumpers, under the discharge of guns from the electrical battery .’
 
This description of an electrical party, penned by Benjamin Franklin in 1749, humorously captures the eighteenth-century craze for everything electric. In the age of Enlightenment, electricity was one of the most promising branches of experimental philosophy as well as one of the most requested forms of polite entertainment. Aristocratic ladies and gentlemen delighted in experimenting with the
newly discovered powers of the ‘electric fire’. In darkened salons demonstrators choreographed simple electrical phenomena – such as attractions, sparks and shocks – so as to turn them into interactive performances that involved the audience and that appealed to the culture of the libertine century.
 
The new science of the Enlightenment
 
Although the etymology of the word electricity testifies to the fact that the attractive properties of rubbed amber (elektron in Greek) had been known since antiquity, at the time Franklin wrote, electricity was still regarded as a young science. In 1767, almost two decades later, his friend
and chemist Joseph Priestley termed it the ‘youngest daughter of the sciences’ . Indeed, it was in the age of  Enlightenment that electricity gained prominence both in the academic world and in the public sphere. Starting from the 1740s, learned audiences in Europe and North America became familiar with a natural power as disruptive as lightning and as enchanting as the aurora borealis, a
phenomenon that also promised sensational new therapies.
Itinerant lecturers toured capitals and provinces with their portable electrical apparatus, offering dramatic demonstrations of the laws effects of the ‘electric fire’ in public squares and aristocratic salons. Their activity made electricity one of the most discussed topics of polite conversations, with the media of the time extolling instruments and inventors. As early as 1745 readers of the
Gentleman’s Magazine would learn of the ‘wonderful discoveries’ recently made in the field, ‘so surprising as to awaken the indolent curiosity of the public’. Not only the literate, but even ‘ladies and people of quality, who never regard natural philosophy but when it works miracles’,
became interested in electrical effects: ‘princes were willing to see this new fire which a man produced from himself, and which did not descend from heaven’ .
 
 
Electrical phenomena as simple as attractions and repulsions between charged bodies were choreographed to keep audiences from boredom. Spectators could feel on their own bodies the effects of electricity: if properly connected to the electrical machine they could see their
hair raise or their hands attract small pieces of paper. Several instruments especially designed for scientific soirees contributed to make a spectacle of electricity (Figure 1). Instrument-makers exploited what we now know as electrostatic induction to make paper puppets dance or metallic bells ring, whereas the livid light of electrical sparks was displayed in the dark in order to increase theatricality. Spectators could so admire spirals of sparks appearing inside glass tubes, luminescent images flashing onto wooden boards, suggestive bluish or greenish glows filling
exhausted glass vessels.
 
 In 1746 the introduction of the Leyden jar (what is now called a cylindrical condenser) enhanced the dramatic character of electric demonstrations by allowing storage of the electric fire and its sudden release as shocks or sparks. The instrument contributed to the design of new fashionable, though somewhat shocking, experiments. By touching the jar’s inside and outside coating with both
hands, it was possible to provoke an instantaneous electric discharge through one’s body. The ‘Leyden experiment’, as this phenomenon was known from the name of the town where it was first discovered, aroused great curiosity. As Franklin declared, for a number of ingenious lecturers who
showed it for money, it meant ‘meat, drink and clothing’. The French instrument-maker and public demonstrator Jean Antoine Nollet made the Leyden experiment collective by forming chains of people holding hands: they would be shocked simultaneously as the first and the last person
in the circle touched the inside and the outside coating of the jar (Figure 2).
 
Useful electricity
 
Along with the Leyden jar, another innovation brought electricity to the fore of learned discussions and public interest: medical electricity. The therapeutic virtues of electricity remained a debated issue throughout the century, nonetheless patients were receptive towards the possibility
that the newly discovered electric fire might also be a healing agent. Equipped with the most up-to-date electrical instruments, performers readily included ‘medical’ electricity in their repertoire of theatrical demonstrations, offering to administer shocks and sparks for therapeutic purposes in
the course of their performances.
 
If utility was a keyword of the Enlightenment, electricity was definitely an enlightened science. Its useful applications were not limited to innovative therapy. As it is well-known, Benjamin Franklin was a fervent advocate of lightning rods, grounded metallic conductors that were employed for preventing buildings and people from the dire effects of lightning. Franklin based his promotion of lightning rods on his own theory of electricity, according to which the movement of the electric fire was responsible for several disruptive phenomena, both in the atmosphere and in the
bowels of the earth. As Priestley made clear in his History and Present State of Electricity, by the second half of the eighteenth century electricity was regarded as a natural agent that could account for several disruptive ‘unusual appearances’. Not only lightning, but also earthquakes, whirlpools and whirlwinds were explained in terms of the motion of the electric fire. Several instruments helped
demonstrators illustrate the implications of Franklin’s theory to the public. Thunder houses dramatically demonstrated the difference metallic conductors would make in case lightning struck a building, whereas the ‘aurora flask’ reproduced the aurora borealis which was regarded as an
electrical phenomenon on a small scale (Figure 3). Such demonstrations contributed to the construction of an electrical cosmos: health, sickness, thunderstorm, earthquakes
and aurora borealis, all resulted from the motions of the electric fire.
 
Science in the salon
 
The quick reception of electrical science in the public sphere was strictly tied to the ongoing success of experimental philosophy. Public lectures on natural philosophy, based on experimental demonstrations, were well-established forms of education and recreation in the mid-eighteenth century . Newtonian natural philosophy spread widely thanks to the courses that itinerant lecturers
offered to paying audiences. Educated ladies and gentlemen delighted in experimenting on the natural world and the conversations they hosted in their salons – which can be regarded as one of the cultural spaces of the Enlightenment – often focused on scientific subjects. Instruments
such as the orrery (or planetarium), the air pump, microscopes and telescopes, were familiar items not only for the learned but also for the polite. As icons of natural knowledge, they were included in gentlemanly collections of curiosities and rarities, or exhibited in especially dedicated physics cabinets. As electrical experiments gained the attention of the public, lecturers readily included the
new science in their repertoire of demonstrations while instrument makers promptly added electrical instruments in their sales catalogues.
 
Electrical phenomena, on their part, lent themselves particularly well to the culture of public performances, which blended spectacle and education. In darkened salons electrical performers staged a repertoire of sparks and attractions that exhilarated their audiences. The electric
fire revealed itself to the eyes, the ears and even the nose: its livid light was accompanied by a crackling noise and left a distinctive sulphurous smell. Audiences in search of entertainment and education were particularly impressed by the sensuous experience of the electric fire. Electrical
soirees never failed to satisfy such expectation.
 
In 1730 Stephen Gray, a Fellow of the Royal Society of London, conceived an experiment that demonstrated the ability of the human body to conduct electricity. The socalled ‘flying-boy experiment’ became one of the most popular demonstrations that made the fortune of itinerant
performers throughout Europe. Suspended by silk cords, a young boy was connected to a friction generator by his feet: by this means his hands could attract small pieces of papers.
In the course of the century several variations were proposed: the boy’s electrified hands turned the pages of a book, or transmitted the electric fire to a young girl who would attract light objects herself. Nollet involved the ladies in the audience: as they approached their fingers to the boy’s nose a big spark could be seen and heard (Figure 4).
 
The inclusion of the human body in electrical demonstrations increased their spectacularity and the curiosity they aroused among polite society. With the armoury of attractions, repulsions, sparks and shocks, itinerant demonstrators could be certain of success.




 
 Bodily attractions
 
Women became essential protagonists of electrical soirees. Electrical performances staged in courts and salons counted on their active participation and played with sexual difference. Although both men and women could experience the electric fire with their bodies, they would tackle it in different ways. The most common electrical experiments provide a glimpse into the different roles salon culture codified for ladies and gentlemen. One of the most popular demonstrations of the time was the electrifying Venus, or electric kiss. Invented by the German professor Georg Matthias Bose, it was soon replicated throughout Europe. The experiment was simple to organize. The selected lady would stand on an insulated stool while an operator charged her body with an electrical machine.  gentlemen in the audience would then be invited to kiss her, but alas, as they tried to approach her lips a strong spark would discourage any attempt, while exhilarating the lady and the rest of the audience. The Gentleman’s Magazine celebrated Bose’s invention:
   ‘Could one believe that a lady’s finger, that her whalebone petticoat, should send forth flashes of true lightening, and that such charming lips could set on fire a house? The ladies were sensible of this new privilege of kindling fires without any poetical figure, or hyperbole, and resorted from all parts to the public lectures of natural philosophy, which by that means became brilliant assemblies.’
 
Bose, by contrast, deliberately used ‘poetical figures’ as a way of ingratiating members of the opposite sex, especially if there was a chance aristocratic ladies might offer him patronage. One of the most active electricians of the mid-eighteenth century, he wrote a poem on electricity
that he dedicated to the princess of Gotha and to the duchess of Brühl-Collowrath, who enjoyed attending his electric demonstrations. In his verses there was of course a reference to his attempt to kiss an electrifying Venus:
 
     ‘Once only, what temerity!
I kissed Venus standing on pitch.
It pained me to the quick. My lips trembled
My mouth quivered, my teeth almost broke.’
 
 
Bose contributed substantially to making the repertoire of electric demonstrations spicier. If his electrifying Venus gratified ladies, the defeated men could exhibit their virility by ‘inflaming spirits’ with electrified swords (Figure 5). Bose also allowed gentlemen to show more spiritual tendencies by undergoing ‘beatification’: the volunteer sat on an armchair and, thanks to a device that resulted
invisible in the dark, after a few minutes a luminous halo would appear above his head (Figure 6).
 
Bose did not limit his creativity to experiment. Convinced as he was that academic prose would never capture the imagination of the public he wished to attract, he worked at changing the vocabulary of electricity so as to adapt it to the libertine century. In his poem on electricity he presented an
innovative explanation of electrical phenomena based, not by chance, on the distinction between ‘male’ and ‘female’ electric fire. The male fire, emitted by metals and animal bodies, was unsurprisingly strong and powerful: sparks, with their crackling sound, were visible manifestations of
this kind of fire. The female fire, instead, was a weak luminous emanation, the kind of light that characterized the aurora borealis.
 
Although Bose’s theory was short-lived, his vision of electricity as a bridge between experimental and erotic culture continued throughout the century. In fact, both the machinery and the gesture of electrical experiment inspired pornographic satirists. The vocabulary of friction, attraction, sparks and flames lent itself particularly well to verses that defeated prudery:
 
‘What makes our first felicity,
But this pure electricity,
Divested of all fiction:
Motion makes heat, and heat makes love,
Creatures below, and things above,
Are all produc’d by friction’
Such satirical poems drew freely from the allusions so obviously offered by electrical instrumentation. The globes of the electrical machines, caressed by the operators’ hands
in order to produce electric fire, became the subject of another poem:
 
‘Each charm, by turns, reveal’d, must fuel prove,
To feed the gentle, lambent flame of love,
But most the beauties of the Bosom please,
Nor any female charm can vie with these!
The tempting seat of all that’s sweet and fair,
For Nature’s Electricity is there! ‘
 
At the end of the century the discovery of animal electricity provided new sources of inspiration for such kind of  literature. If the marquis De Sade suggested that the electric eel (or gymnotus electricus) could be employed as an instrument for sexual torture, other authors believed
that the power of conducting the electric fire was strictly related to virility. Their opinion was supported by the contemporary rumour that the Leyden experiment did not work on the castrati. The connection between electricity and virility/fertility stood at the core of the Temple of
Health and Hymen, the London extravaganza of a medicoelectrical quack, George Graham. Among the many prodigious cures electricity afforded in the Temple, the most requested was the Celestial Bed, a gigantic bed surrounded by electric vapours that – he claimed – helped couples fight
against barrenness.
 
When Franklin described his electric lunch, experimental apparatus was common enough for learned readers to  get the hilarity of his statement. Electrification of everyday life was still to come, yet excitement about the new science  of the Enlightenment was widespread, in academies and
salons. Electricity became the craze of the eighteenth century thanks to the thrilling demonstrations choreographed by lecturers and demonstrators that explained the role of the electric fire in the natural world with an eye to the tastes of their audiences. The instrument trade, the marketing of cultural products, the sociability of electrical experiments, all played a crucial role in spreading interest in the ‘youngest daughter of the sciences’.
References
 
 
Sparks in the dark: the attraction of electricity in the eighteenth century / By  Paola Bertucci. Endeavour , nr. 1,  September 2007