Showing posts with label working class. Show all posts
Showing posts with label working class. Show all posts

13/11/2020

The Impact of War : from World War One to the Present

 


Between 1914 and 1918 the British Empire amassed a force of nearly nine million men to go to war. Ravenous in its need to field soldiers, the dwindling professional British army was soon augmented by reserve forces, conscripts and civilian volunteers.

 
Most had limited to zero military experience and many men who entered service did not return home the same. Changed and often traumatised, the first world war represented a fracture point in soldiers’ personal histories. As a young Lieutenant Godfrey wrote to his mother in 1914, it was a strikingly “different existence” from which no one escaped unaltered.
 
My new book War Bodies focuses directly on this life-changing experience for British men, investigating their personal accounts. It focuses on the immediate and lasting impact of the war upon the bodies of soldiers, building up a mosaic of the physical experience of battle through their testimony. This illustrates the extent to which their physical bodies were perceived, controlled, transformed and abused by army leadership to secure victory.
 
Take Private Silver, a pre-WWI recruit whose diary opens with his delight at his shiny red uniform. Bitter at having to exchange it for khaki in 1914, Silver turned his displeasure to the deplorable state of the food. He also discussed the shelling and fighting in vivid detail, yet one of the events to which he devotes significant space is the injustice of repeated punishment for trench foot in 1915.
 
       ”I told him [the company sergeant] that I had no time to clean the mud off my clothes and my feet were more important so he sentenced me to seven days punishment which meant I had to do more dangerous and dirty jobs than the other lads, including going out into no-man’s land putting out barbed wire and cleaning latrines.”
 
Aggrieved at his treatment, Silver protested the impossibility of adequate sanitary care as directed by the Royal Army Medical Corps (RAMC) while knee deep in mud and freezing water. No amount of whale oil could recover his bleeding feet, ironically worsened by each punishment for the perceived decline in his personal standards. The cycle continued until Silver was effectively crippled. Only once his fighting ability was clearly impaired was the cycle broken, his plight recognised and the punishments replaced with medical care.
 
Silver’s case illustrates a significant issue for many serving men in that the damage his body suffered was nothing to do with fighting the enemy. It was the armed forces he had sworn allegiance to that had continued to cause him harm.
 
As conscripts learned how to fight they became stronger and fitter, yet much of this was undone once they reached the battlefield and were wounded, maimed or killed.



 
As men battled the enemy during the war, they also fought the environments they inhabited, their own physical needs and desires, and crucially for this investigation, the military establishment that chose, trained and fielded them.
 
The battle for control over the British fighting body was often an ugly one, aggravated by the necessity to create soldiers from civilian volunteers and conscripts. Many of these men entered service with expectations and objections to traditional military control that was not the case with standard military recruits.
 
Cases of resistance were numerous, including the story of Private Roberts who led a mini mutiny in 1915 against military command over the deplorable state of the food or the rebellion of a training battalion of Welsh miners who refused to fall out due to a physically abusive officer. In another case, several men escaped through a window in 1916 to avoid unwanted inoculations enforced by their zealous commanding officer.
 
The physical efficiency of the soldier in battle meant significant interference in British soldiers’ bodies by the military. Training and discipline were singularly designed to keep the body fighting. Early responses to cases of shell-shock included directions to physically assault those afflicted in an effort to dispel their stupor. Private Roberts recounted how witnessing a man encouraged to hang himself for his physical weakness was later useful when he worked with the Royal Army Medical Corps.
 
Masculinity and physical ability were intertwined as demonstrations of “manliness” and self-worth became fixated on the body’s ability to fight. So it is unsurprising that the terror-induced paralysis of Private Archer at Ypres in 1917 led to questions of his worth as a soldier and a man. The impacts of these beliefs could be tragically fatal as in the case of wounded veteran Harry Green, who believed his injuries made him a burden on the state and ended his life after returning home in 1917.
 
Few ended the first world war unscarred. Within the experiences of the millions who fought, there are abundant examples of the battle for the body, as the British military demanded more and more from their men to secure victory.
 
Investigating the war through the lens of physical experience is useful and insightful because the price of service was the extreme toll on the body. Much like the toll upon the mental health of serving men, the visible and invisible scars from battle would not fade easily or completely.
 
Weighed and measured, trained and transformed, broken and buried, the war saw the human body pushed beyond endurance as British soldiers who fought interminably long campaigns in intolerable conditions and appalling weather. Many returned home mutilated, shell-shocked, mute or severely disabled, and some not at all. It is through these stories of physical experiences that historians can attempt to understand what existence was truly like for the soldiers of the first world war.
 
How WWI soldiers’ bodies were controlled, transformed and abused to secure victory. By Simon Harold  Walker . The Conversation , November 10, 2020.

 





In 1914, the steady gaze and pointing finger of war minister Lord Kitchener urged the men of Britain that they were all needed to protect their country. A century later in January 2019, the British army channelled this message once more in the latest instalment of its controversial campaign “This is Belonging”, which was duly panned for political correctness.

  
This latest campaign implied that all were needed in uniform, but particularly targeted millennials and Generation Z – youth groups that are all too often mocked and shunned in the media.
 
 Unlike the previous “Be The Best” campaign – the staple for British army recruitment for many years – and the still-used “Born in … made in the Royal Navy” ads, the recent call for “snowflakes” directly engaged with negative perceptions of modern youth culture. Those considered (by themselves or society) as “snowflakes, selfie addicts, class clowns, binge gamers and phone zombies”, were told they had a place in an army that recognises positive qualities in negative stereotypes.
But the original and the homage campaigns bear three core similarities. First of all, they both promote inclusivity while actually adhering to strict and specific criteria. They also target recruits from the fringes of society, and finally, both have been more infamous than successful.
  
Both campaigns had similar issues. Neither in fact were particularly inclusive. Everyone was needed in 1914 – except of course for the thousands who failed to meet certain specific criteria, such as being over the age of 18 (19 when sent to fight), being taller than 5ft 3", and passing a rigorous medical examination – though the last two stipulations were relaxed in the final years of the war when more men were needed.
 
A century later, inclusivity now meant reaching out to millennials for the very reasons their generation is so often disdained. So all welcome – except the 92,559 applicants in 2018 who, due to medical and fitness issues, didn’t make the cut to join the 7,441 recruits who were eventually enlisted. Perhaps some of the millennial gamers it looked to attract simply did not possess the core fitness levels required by the army, suggesting the campaign was too narrow in targeting such people in the first place.
 
After eight consecutive years of recruitment shortage, the 2019 snowflake campaign arrived during a era of questioning the need and purpose of the armed forces. Consistently under target strength since 2000, the rate of trained personnel has been in free-fall. In early 2019, the British Armed forces reported a deficit of 10,000, despite the requirement for personnel decreasing by 27% – down from 190,000 in 2000 to 134,304 today.
 
The socially aware recruitment campaigns of 2018/19 sought to arrest this decline as part of a £1.6m programme focusing on emotions, individuality and specific millennial “types” such as snowflakes.
 
Promoting pastoral care (emotional and spiritual support) and the chance to be an individual, the modern military appeared to offer equality and self-expression and value technological dexterity. A century after the end of World War I, the British army was promoting inclusivity to an extent that Kitchener could never have envisaged.
  
Unashamedly controversial, the snowflake campaign channelled the usual youth-bashing ammunition of raging inter-generational battles. Millennials (born between 1981 and 1996), and Gen Z (born from the mid 1990s onwards), are often denigrated as lacking in conviction, resilience, work ethic, common sense or restraint. Old vs young rhetoric has encouraged media demonisation of what is seen as a hypersensitive, overly indulged youth culture.
 
In retaliation, these younger generations have criticised the economic decline and political malaise evident in British society since 2000. Recession, environmental crisis, a push toward centre-right politics, Brexit and the rise of populist world leaders have created an anxiety-filled future for them. But with battlelines so clearly drawn, the strength of feeling against the snowflake campaign is unsurprising.
 
Criticism flew from all sides, with accusations of naivety, diminishing standards and underhand recruitment tactics. Charlotte Cooper of Child Soldiers International slammed the release of the campaign during the “January blues”, saying:
 
   “The ‘snowflake’ campaign tried to present a new side to the army, but this advertising brief shows the same old story: young people with the fewest options being mis-sold a one-sided view of military life as the magic ticket to a better life.”
 
An overly positive depiction of military life is a tried and tested method of army recruitment. Kitchener’s increasingly desperate attempts to draw in civilians promised everything from full stomachs to sexual adventures. Again falling standards were decried (and then changed to increase recruitment numbers) as Kitchener’s recruits had their pride and commitment called into question.



 
The British military has always depended on recruiting from the working class. Youth paramilitary organisations dating back to Baden Powell’s early 20th-century scout movement reflected the more accepting and benevolent attitudes to military service that was unthinkable before the Victorian period. No longer seen as “rogues”, soldiering could mean self-reliance, adventure and physical fitness. In the modern forces, enlistees also have access to training, education and development and a sense of purpose and belonging.
 
Both campaigns enjoyed some success with this message. In 1914 millions came forward to join up. In January 2019, recruitment figures doubled. Yet Kitchener’s success is more myth than reality, as the poster appeared in December 1914 at the tail end of the rush, and the beginning of the slog to conscription in 1916. In early 2019, recruitment numbers certainly increased, but in August 2019 official figures confirmed that the army remains 7,000 personnel short of its target.
 
A century on, Britain’s armed forces continue to lose trained fighters and struggle to replace them. In desperation – or perhaps inspiration – the old Kitchener method was given another opportunity to galvanise the country’s youth. Numbers may be up, but only time will tell if it can be sustained.
 
 
Your country still needs you: why the British army is running the same old campaign a century after WWI. By Simon Harold Walker. The Conversation , September 3, 2019.
 



In 1916, a young British private in northern France wrote home to his parents explaining his decision to take his own life. A survivor of the early days of the Somme, considered one of the most brutal battles of World War I, Robert Andrew Purvis apologised to his family before praising his commanding officers and offering the remainder of his possessions to his comrades. Purvis’s surviving suicide note remains one of the only documents of its kind from World War I.

 
Our research into suicide during World War I has shown that it was not uncommon – although reporting of it was rare. For the armed forces, recognition and support for these cases has been a longstanding struggle. From 1923, the Scottish charter for the honour roll of the fallen explicitly forbade the inclusion of suicide cases, which meant that reported cases from World War II were also omitted from the honour roll in the Scottish National War Museum at Edinburgh Castle.
 
A the turn of the 20th century, suicide was often regarded as a symptom of mental illness. Cases of suicide, if recorded at all, were almost always marked as being a case of “temporary insanity”. Britain stood at the forefront of treatment for conflict-related mental illness as the Craiglockhart War Hospital in Edinburgh became famous for treating shell-shocked soldiers.
 
The hospital evolved to advance the fledgling understanding of conflict-related psychosis and specialised in practical recovery techniques including sports, model-making, writing, photography and the “talking cure” pioneered by psychologist William Rivers.
 
Craiglockhart is also known for treating famous patients, including war poets Siegfried Sassoon and Wilfred Owen. Sassoon remains the only recognised war poet to have published on the controversial topic of soldier suicide.
 
Due to the stigma, controversy and inflammatory nature of the topic, discussions surrounding mental health and suicide in the British military were limited for much of the 20th century. Victor Gregg, a serviceman in World War II, recounted in an interview in 2015 how psychological aftercare for demobilised men in 1945 was non-existent, lamenting:
 
    “My brain was filled with images of suffering that were to haunt me for the next 40 years… The final gift from a grateful country was a civilian suit, a train ticket home and about £100 of back-service pay.”
 
Sixty-four years later, fortunately much has changed. At the turn of the 21st century, both the military and governments in the UK have come to recognise the issue of military-related suicide.



 
But despite the increase in mental health awareness and support campaigns for both serving soldiers and veterans over the past two decades, concerns over deaths continue. The Ministry of Defence spends £22m a year on mental healthcare for veterans, with a further £6m annually for support within the NHS. But military charities argue that this is not enough – particularly as focused statistical recording and analysis of veteran suicide cases only began in earnest after 2001.
 
In March 2019, Scottish warrant officer Robert McAvoy, a veteran of 20 years’ service, took his own life. The following month 18-year-old Highlander Alistair McLeish died by suicide at Catterick Garrison in York. These tragedies are by no means unique.
 
In 2018, research by a Scottish newspaper demonstrated that a former member of the forces takes their own life in Scotland every six days. This prompted the Scottish mental health minister Clare Haughey to publicly pledge closer consideration of the mental healthcare of Scottish soldiers and veterans.
 
Concerns over the suicides of 71 British veterans and serving personnel in 2018 led UK defence secretary, Tobias Ellwood, to tell ITV News:
 
     “I’m truly sorry. I’m sorry that they feel the armed forces, NHS, government, have let them down.”
 
This was not an admission of responsibility for a lack of duty of care. It was a poor excuse for an apology which undercut the severity of the issue and role of the establishment within it, by insinuating that the “lack of support given” was a matter of perception. However, Ellwood also admitted: “We must improve.”
 
Suicide is currently the biggest killer of men under the age of 45 in the Western world – and the concerns of suicide related to service are by not limited to Britain.
 
In the US, 6,000 veterans took their own lives in 2018, on top of the suicides of 275 active service personnel. In the American media and public eye, service and veteran suicide is perceived as a growing issue as cases of mental illness and post-traumatic stress continue to go untreated.
 
Military service and veteran suicide are not new issues, but there are crucial conversations to be had about the subject publicly, politically, socially and medically. Claiming there is a suicide “epidemic” would be an exaggeration as the numbers do not support that kind of term, but the issue remains pertinent and in need of public attention.
 
Bluntly, men and women have died, are dying and will continue to die if society does not examine the issue of military suicide. Only through open discussion, active research and recognition of service and veteran mental health-related deaths can these tragedies be prevented in the future.
 
 
We need to talk about suicide in the military. By Simon Harodl Walker. The Conversation , June 28, 2019. 

















17/02/2019

The Practice of “Wife Selling”




“No bid?” said the husband. “Good Lord, why she's cost me fifty times the money, if a penny. Go on.”
“Four guineas!” cried the auctioneer.
“I'll tell ye what—I won't sell her for less than five,” said the husband, bringing down his fist so that the basins danced. “I'll sell her for five guineas to any man that will pay me the money, and treat her well; and he shall have her for ever, and never hear aught o' me. But she shan't go for less. Now then—five guineas—and she's yours. Susan, you agree?”
She bowed her head with absolute indifference.

“Five guineas,” said the auctioneer, “or she'll be withdrawn. Do anybody give it? The last time. Yes or no?”
“Yes,” said a loud voice from the doorway.
All eyes were turned. Standing in the triangular opening which formed the door of the tent was a sailor, who, unobserved by the rest, had arrived there within the last two or three minutes. A dead silence followed his affirmation.
“You say you do?” asked the husband, staring at him.
“I say so,” replied the sailor.
“Saying is one thing, and paying is another. Where's the money?”
The sailor hesitated a moment, looked anew at the woman, came in, unfolded five crisp pieces of paper, and threw them down upon the tablecloth. They were Bank-of-England notes for five pounds. Upon the face of this he clinked down the shillings severally—one, two, three, four, five.
The sight of real money in full amount, in answer to a challenge for the same till then deemed slightly hypothetical had a great effect upon the spectators. Their eyes became riveted upon the faces of the chief actors, and then upon the notes as they lay, weighted by the shillings, on the table.
Up to this moment it could not positively have been asserted that the man, in spite of his tantalizing declaration, was really in earnest. The spectators had indeed taken the proceedings throughout as a piece of mirthful irony carried to extremes; and had assumed that, being out of work, he was, as a consequence, out of temper with the world, and society, and his nearest kin. But with the demand and response of real cash the jovial frivolity of the scene departed. A lurid colour seemed to fill the tent, and change the aspect of all therein. The mirth-wrinkles left the listeners' faces, and they waited with parting lips.
“Now,” said the woman, breaking the silence, so that her low dry voice sounded quite loud, “before you go further, Michael, listen to me. If you touch that money, I and this girl go with the man. Mind, it is a joke no longer.”
“A joke? Of course it is not a joke!” shouted her husband, his resentment rising at her suggestion. “I take the money; the sailor takes you. That's plain enough. It has been done elsewhere—and why not here?”
“'Tis quite on the understanding that the young woman is willing,” said the sailor blandly. “I wouldn't hurt her feelings for the world.”
“Faith, nor I,” said her husband. “But she is willing, provided she can have the child. She said so only the other day when I talked o't!”
“That you swear?” said the sailor to her.
“I do,” said she, after glancing at her husband's face and seeing no repentance there.

“Very well, she shall have the child, and the bargain's complete,” said the trusser. He took the sailor's notes and deliberately folded them, and put them with the shillings in a high remote pocket, with an air of finality.
The sailor looked at the woman and smiled. “Come along!” he said kindly. “The little one too—the more the merrier!” She paused for an instant, with a close glance at him. Then dropping her eyes again, and saying nothing, she took up the child and followed him as he made towards the door. On reaching it, she turned, and pulling off her wedding-ring, flung it across the booth in the hay-trusser's face.
“Mike,” she said, “I've lived with thee a couple of years, and had nothing but temper! Now I'm no more to 'ee; I'll try my luck elsewhere. 'Twill be better for me and Elizabeth-Jane, both. So good-bye!”
Seizing the sailor's arm with her right hand, and mounting the little girl on her left, she went out of the tent sobbing bitterly.
A stolid look of concern filled the husband's face, as if, after all, he had not quite anticipated this ending; and some of the guests laughed.
“Is she gone?” he said.
“Faith, ay! she's gone clane enough,” said some rustics near the door.

The Mayer of Casterbridge : The Life and Death of a Man of Character. By Thomas Hardy, 1886.


Wikipedia








On June 2, 1828, inside the George and Dragon pub in Tonbridge, England, John Savage paid George Skinner one shilling and a pot of beer for his wife, Mary. George ordered his beer, and John left with Mary. The pair held hands as they went to start their new life together.
This wasn’t an unusual scene. Throughout the 18th and 19th centuries, English wives were “sold” for a variety of payments. Prices varied—“as low as a bullpup and a quarter of rum” all the way to “forty [British] pounds and a supper,” the North-Eastern Daily Gazette reported in 1887.

Half a gallon was the total sale price for a 26-year-old known as Mrs. Wells, purchased by a Mr. Clayton in 1876, as reported by The Sheffield Daily Telegraph. Clayton approached Mr. Wells, professed his love for the man’s wife, and asked if he could marry her. Wells shrugged—for the last two years, his wife had lived with Clayton, and he didn’t care what she did anymore. He told Clayton he could have her “for nowt” (or “nothing”), but Clayton insisted he name his price—he did not want her “so cheaply.” Wells countered with a half-gallon (four pints) of beer, and the three of them went off to the pub. After buying Wells his beer, Clayton also offered to adopt the Wells’s daughter—Mrs. Wells was rather attached to her—and when Mr. Wells accepted, Clayton bought him another pint. Mrs. Wells was so pleased with the arrangement that she purchased an additional half gallon of beer, which the three drank together.

“[Wife] sales were located at inns, ratifying pledge cups were quaffed and purchase prices were often in alcohol,” wrote historian Samuel Pyeatt Menefee, in his 1981 book Wives for Sale. “In several cases liquor appears to have played an inordinately large role, often serving as the total purchase price.” In 1832, a sand-carrier named Walter sold his wife at Cranbook Market in Kent for one glass of gin, one pint of beer, and his eight-year-old son; other sales are known to have been brokered with rum, brandy, whisky, cider, a home-cooked dinner, and a Newfoundland dog. When money was involved, it tended not to be very much, even by the standards of the day. In 1825, for instance, a wife in Yorkshire was sold for one pound and one shilling, and one in Somerset for two pounds and five shillings, while a corpse sold to a medical school went for the much higher sum of four pounds and four shillings. (This isn’t to say that the wife was a valueless commodity to be traded, but that the sale was more a formality than a business venture.) Despite these other tenders, beer—by the pint, quart, and gallon—was the most-common currency. 

These drink sales had more to do with the lack of divorce options than a bottomless love of booze. In 1857, the U.K. Parliament created the Matrimonial Causes Act, which allowed divorces in certain circumstances. Husbands could be granted a divorce if they had proof of their wife’s infidelity; wives had the added burden of proving incestuous or abusive behavior. Prior to this act, limited as it was, there were even fewer options for ending a marriage in England. You could petition the church or government for a decree, or desert your spouse. Middle-class couples might opt for private separation, which often included a deed stipulating that the ex-husband continue to funnel money to his former wife. Otherwise, desertion often left women impoverished. 

Ostensibly, the 1857 Matrimonial Causes Act addressed this problem, but it was still too expensive for the majority of working-class folks. For many unhappy couples, wife-selling was viewed as an easy pathway to divorce, at a time when legally separating was often out of reach. “The practice in England was not really a sale, but rather a sort of customary divorce plus remarriage in which a woman who had committed adultery was divorced by her husband and given to her partner in adultery,” says Matthew H. Sommer, a Department of History Chair at Stanford University and author of Polyandry and Wife-Selling in Qing Dynasty China. Officially divorcing would have cost around £40-60 in an era when nursemaids earned £17 pounds a year. This arrangement benefited all parties—the wife got out of a miserable marriage, her new husband got a partner, and her ex got his buzz on. 

At the time, alcohol authorized all kinds of deals. People across many fields—laborers, farmers, agriculture workers, and more—would seal contracts with a handshake and a pint of beer, “to wet the sickle and drink success to the harvest,” Menefee wrote. “In such ritual carousels, the connection of drinks with a change of state and especially with a contract is emphasized.”





Indeed, the process was generally viewed as binding. “The great majority of those who took part in wife-selling seem to have had no doubt that what they did was lawful, and even conferred legal rights and exemptions,” The Law Quarterly Review reported in 1929. “They were far from realizing that their transaction was an utter nullity; still less that it was an actual crime and made them indictable for a conspiracy to bring about an adultery.” (A murky understanding of the rules surrounding wife-selling is a plot point in Thomas Hardy’s 1886 novel The Mayor of Casterbridge: The Life and Death of a Man of Character.)

Twenty-five-year-old Betsy Wardle learned that lesson the hard way. In 1882, her husband sold her to her lover, George Chisnall, for a pint of beer. The pair married, but Betsy was soon charged with bigamy, arrested, and brought to Liverpool Crown Court to stand trial. When Betsy’s landlady, Alice Rosely, took the stand as a witness, she told the judge that she knew of the ale sale, but believed it was legal to house the couple. “Don’t do this again,” Justice Denman warned her. “Men have no right to sell their wives for a quart of beer or for anything else.” He sentenced Betsy to a week of hard labor.




In 2019, it all looks terribly misogynistic. Menefee reported that some sales hinged on complaints about a woman’s barrenness or her “nagging”—suggesting that a man wanted a younger or more submissive partner. Some of the visuals are also especially hard to stomach: In satirical cartoons of the era, husbands were shown to peddle their wives at busy Smithfield Market in London wearing halters—the same way they’d transport livestock—or ribbons that would tie them to their new ‘owner.’ Some of these cartoons were based on real events.

But despite the sexist overtones, women were often on board with the process. In his 1993 book, Customs in Common, historian Edward Thompson indicates that the sales were often approved by the women, reporting that out of 218 wife sales he had analyzed between 1760 and 1880, 40 were cases where women were “sold” to their existing lovers, and only four “sales” were recorded as being non-consensual. He did note that consent was sometimes forced, or the best of a number of unappealing options, as was the case in 1820, when one wife stated that her husband had “ill-treated her so frequently that she was induced to submit to the exposure [of the ritual] to get rid of him.” (However, Thompson added, the wife had lived with the purchaser for two years before the sale.) Writing in the Review of Behavioral Economics in 2014, economics scholar Peter Leeson noted that wives could also veto the buyer. Menefee also notes that many of the purchasers had “more remunerative, socially prestigious positions,” than the sellers, suggesting that upward social mobility may have played a part.

Though many accounts seem to indicate that wife-selling usually worked out fairly well for the women, wives’ voices are rarely heard in the historical accounts, which end around 1905. Most of the narratives are told from men’s perspectives. Of course, it wasn’t a panacea for all of the problems faced by women of the era, married or not—they still faced high-rates of mortality in childbirth, had limited educational offerings, and were expected to defer to men. For those who willingly entered into the sale, though, it may have been a start.

When Divorce Was Off the Table, English Couples Dissolved Their Marriages With Beer. By Zara Stone.   Atlas Obscura  , February 13, 2019









George Wray tied a halter around his wife’s waist and headed to the nearest market. He wasn’t there to buy anything—he was there to sell his wife.

Onlookers shouted as he auctioned her off to the highest bidder, William Harwood. After Harwood turned over a single shilling to Wray, he put his arm around his purchase. “Harwood walked off arm in arm with his smiling bargain,”reported an onlooker, “with as much coolness as if he had purchased a new coat or hat.” It was 1847, and Wray had just gotten the equivalent of a divorce.

The scene sounds like an elaborate joke. In reality, it was anything but. Between the 17th and 19th centuries, divorce was prohibitively expensive. So some lower-class British people didn’t get them—they sold their wives instead. The custom seems outlandish today, but it could be found in public places like markets, taverns and fairs. Historians disagree on when or how the custom started and how widespread it was, but it seems to have been an accepted alternative divorce among lower-class Britons. Wife sales were crude and funny, but they also served a very real purpose since it was so hard to get a divorce.

If your marriage broke up in the 1750s, you had to obtain a private Act of Parliament—essentially, an exception to Britain’s draconian divorce law—to formally divorce. The process was expensive and time-consuming, so wife-selling arose as a form of faux divorce. It wasn’t technically legal, but the way it unfolded in public made it valid in the eyes of many.

People could simply abandon one another, but a woman who entered into relationships with other people were in constant danger of their previous husband swooping in to punish her new lover and get some money in the process. Legally, her husband could demand that his wife’s lover pay him a large amount of money for having sexual relations with his wife, a right she lacked since courts didn’t allow wives to sue their husbands for adultery. Wife sales were a way to sidestep that risk.
Oddly enough, the sales took on the form of cattle auctions of the time. After announcing the sale, the man would put a ribbon or a rope around his wife’s neck, arm or waist and lead her to “market” (either an actual market or another public place). Then, he’d auction her off, often after declaring her virtues to the onlookers. Once she was purchased by another man, the previous marriage was considered null and void and the new buyer was financially responsible for his new wife.
Usually, wife sales were merely symbolic—there was just one bidder, the woman’s new lover. Sometimes there wasn’t a designated buyer, though, and an actual bidding war broke out. Men could announce a wife sale without informing their wife, and she might be bid on by total strangers. But women had to agree to the sale.

It would seem that the woman was at a disadvantage during a wife sale, but that wasn’t always the case. Since she was still married to her first husband under the law, he was technically entitled to all of her possessions (at the time, married women’s property all belonged to their husbands). The public nature of the sale, though, made it clear to one and all that the seller gave up his right to his former wife’s possessions. And the woman also sidestepped the very real threat of having her new lover sued by her first husband for “criminal conversation.”

“Through the sale,”writes legal scholar Julie C. Suk, “the first husband extracted a bribe from the wife’s lover in return for waiving his civil cause of action for criminal conversation.”

Public humiliation also played a role. Treating his cheating or estranged wife like a cow—even announcing her weight in public and bartering her like a farm animal—seems to have satisfied many bitter husbands. But usually, wife sales didn’t end in enmity. The wife, her new husband and her old one usually sat down for a pint of beer and a good laugh.
Overall, writes historian Lawrence Stone, the format of the sale was designed to seem legit. “All this elaborate symbolism had a very real purpose, which was to try to make the sale appear as legally binding as possible, especially with respect to any future financial responsibility by the husband for the wife,” he writes. Some wife sellers even drew up elaborate contracts to make the ritual seem as sale-like as possible.



Technically, though, wife sales didn’t dissolve the underlying marriage, and police eventually began breaking up the sales. Stone thinks that the practice was extremely rare, and that it attracted more attention than it deserves because of the temptation to spread word of the strange ritual far and wide—and even to make up fictional wife sales to sell newspapers. “In the end, ”writes historian Roderick Phillips, “too little is known about wife sales to enable us to draw firm conclusions.”
What is clear, though, is that attending, talking about, and inventing wife sales was amusing indeed. Even the seller and his wife were usually described as gleeful and happy during the sale.
Take Joseph Thompson, who allegedly sold his wife in 1832,listed his wife’s bad qualities, calling her “a born serpent” and advising the buyers to “avoid frolicsome women as you would a mad dog, a roaring lion, a loaded pistol, cholera.” Then he listed her assets, which included the ability to milk cows, sing, and serve as a drinking companion. “I therefore offer here with all her perfections and imperfections, for the sum of fifty shillings,” he concluded, adding a fun flourish to the end of his marriage.

Wife sales largely ended in 1857 when divorce became easier. With it died a custom—and tales of the tradition are just as bizarre and entertaining as they were then.

English Men Once Sold Their Wives Instead of Getting Divorced. By Erin Blakemore.
History, June 7, 2018.



More on Wikipedia


















13/12/2018

Little Dancer Aged Fourteen





She is famous the world over, but how many people know her name? You can admire her in Washington, Paris, London, New York, Dresden, and Copenhagen, but where is her grave? All we know is her age, 14, and the work she did, because it truly was work, at an age when our own children are attending school. In the 1880s, she danced as a little rat (as girls in training for the corps de ballet were known) at the Paris Opera, and what seems like a dream to many of our young girls today was not a dream to her, not the happy age of youth.

L’Age heureux was the name of a television show when I was growing up, it featured young ballet students at the Paris Opera doing silly things. They climbed onto the roof of the Palais Garnier, I remember, and you were afraid something terrible would happen to them, a fall or expulsion from the program, because discipline was very strict. I don’t remember how it all ended—happily, no doubt, given the show’s title. The little dancer of 1880, though, was sent home after a few years’ work, when the director grew tired of seeing her miss rehearsal—eleven times in the last trimester alone.

But the reason was that she had another job, possibly two other jobs, because the pittance she earned at the Paris Opera was not enough to feed her and her family. She was an artist’s model, posing for painters and sculptors. Among them was Edgar Degas. Did she know as she posed in his studio that, thanks to him, she would die less completely than the other girls? Stupid question—as though the work counted for more than the life. It would have been no feather in her cap to know that, a century after her death, people would still be buzzing around her in the high-ceilinged halls of museums just as the fine gentlemen in the foyer of the Paris Opera did, that she would still be examined up and down and from all sides, just as she was in the seamy dives where she may have sold her body on orders from her mother—her frail body, now turned to bronze. But maybe it did make a difference, maybe she did think about it sometimes. Who can say?

Surely she had heard how the Mona Lisa was taken to safety during the Franco-Prussian War, how it was returned to the Louvre after France’s defeat, how everyone in Paris was visiting it admiringly and buying it in reproduction, thanks to the new reprographic techniques. When she posed for her employer for hours on end, growing tired in what was supposedly a “rest” position, one leg forward, hands clasped behind her back, silent, did she consider that Monsieur Degas had enough talent to make her famous too, that her little walk-on role would one day make her a star? Did she imagine such a future for herself—a fame that the ballet world would never grant her? It’s possible. After all, little girls do have their dreams.

What I hope, as I look at her in triptych on a postcard—back, front, and profile—bought at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, is that she was oblivious to all that was said about her during the first exhibition of the Little Dancer. Although it wasn’t exactly said about her. Do you know the story of Cézanne’s portrait of his wife? Some people stopped in front of it and said, “What a hag!” while others said, “What a masterpiece!” Which counts for more, the painting or the model, art or nature? Does the work of art console us for what happens in life? Certainly, the little dancer was not expounding on the relation between actuality and representation. Nor was anyone else.

On that April day in 1881 when the figure was first exhibited at the Salon des Indépendants, there were few who made the distinction. Esthetes and society ladies, critics and amateurs, all crowded together in front of the sculpture, made more impatient by the fact that the sculpture had been announced for last year’s show but inexplicably withdrawn. And this year, Degas had brought it to the exhibition late, fourteen days after the opening. An empty glass case, the subject of much speculation, stood in as a placeholder, while rumors circulated that the sculpture would not be in marble or bronze, nor even in plaster or wood, but in wax. Normally, wax is a stage in the process of making the final work, but the artist was choosing here to exhibit it as the end product. And it would be dressed in real clothes, like a doll. Wearing actual ballet slippers. What an oddity! All the same, this wasn’t the official Salon but the exhibition mounted by the splinter group of the Indépendants, the so-called Impressionists, who had never been very academically minded, so it wasn’t all that surprising. Other than a portrait carved in wood and a small bronze by Paul Gauguin, La Petite Parisienne, Degas’s Little Dancer was the only sculpture in the show. Finally, the public was getting a chance to see it! In the midst of canvases by Pissarro, Cassatt, Gauguin, the figure stood in a glass case, which further piqued curiosity. They pressed forward eagerly, approaching their faces, their monocles, to the transparent divider; they frowned, they backed away, what the devil, hesitated, and either fled or stood transfixed. Almost all who saw it, sensitive and cultured as they were, reacted with horror to the Little Dancer. This isn’t art! some people said. What a monster! Said others. An abortion! An ape! She would look better in a zoological museum, opined a countess. She has the depraved look of a criminal, said another. “How very ugly she is!” said a young dandy. “She’ll do better as a rat at the Opera than as a pussy at the bordello!” One journalist wondered, “Does there truly exist an artist’s model this horrid, this repulsive?” A woman essayist for the British review Artist described her as looking “half idiotic,” “with her Aztec head and expression.” “Can Art descend any lower?” she asked. Such depravity! Such ugliness! The work and the model were conjoined in a single tide of disapproval, a wave of hostility and hatred whose virulence surprises us today. “This barely pubescent little girl, a flower of the gutter,” had made her entry into the history of artistic revolutions.

Once on view, the Little Dancer was exposed—as was the little dancer who modeled for Degas—to public stares and condemnation, to esthetic tastes and moral distaste. Both the sculpture and the girl came in for more contempt than admiration on that day. No one had asked her, a poor girl whose body was her only asset, for permission to put her at risk—at risk of displeasing and being demeaned. The shame of humiliation. It’s true that in all likelihood she was not invited to the Salon des Indépendants. She probably never visited the sculpture during the exhibit’s three-week run on the Boulevard des Capucines, not far from the Paris Opera. One or another of the ruffians and grisettes she associated with, however, may have passed along the news in mocking tones: “Everyone is running off to admire you. Are you really the new Mona Lisa?” But her modeling sessions for Degas were already a distant memory. So many things had happened since, and she was now 16. What was the point in looking back? Besides, the exhibition hall wasn’t open to the poor, to working-class women, or to prostitutes. No one congratulated a model for her patience, her immobility, her selflessness. Possibly for her beauty, if she was the artist’s mistress. But that was all.

Marie [van Goethem] had not slept with Degas, as far as we know. She hadn’t read the accounts in the newspapers either—she’d been obliged to leave school early and barely knew how to read or write. The sculpture received few favorable reviews. The nicest came from Nina de Villard, companion to the poet Charles Cros, who visited the exhibition and wrote: “I felt before this statuette one of the strongest artistic sensations I’ve ever experienced: I have long been dreaming of exactly this.” Marie wouldn’t have seen the review. And no one would have read her Huysmans’s encomiums, directed at the artist in any case, not at her. The critic praised Degas for acting boldly, for overthrowing all the conventions of sculpture, “all the models endlessly recopied over the centuries” to produce a work “so original, so fearless . . . truly modern.” But Huysmans was pitiless in his description of the little dancer, with her “sickly, grayish face, old and drawn before its time.” I like to think that in posing for the great artist with that defiant air, which the critic Paul Mantz characterized in the following day’s Le Temps as “bestial effrontery,” Marie foresaw the scandalized reaction of the moneyed set and responded to it in advance with that look of insolent detachment. And I like to believe that it speaks of her freedom, rising above all hindrances, a twin to Degas’s own, yet very much hers, calm and nearly smiling, chin up, her personal freedom.


When the stormy Salon of 1881 closed, Degas brought his Little Dancer home and never showed it again to anyone. It didn’t travel to the great Impressionist exhibition organized by Durand-Ruel in New York in 1886. It gathered dust in a corner of the studio, visibly darkening, piled up among other sculptures, its tutu in shreds, next to ballet slippers and photographs of dancers. But the sculpture still figured in the thoughts of Degas’s contemporaries. In the 1890s, Henri de Régnier and Paul Helleu would discuss the Little Dancer with the poet Stéphane Mallarmé. Artists such as Maurice Denis, Georges Rouault, and Walter Sickert mentioned it long after its disappearance from view.

In 1903, Louisine Havemeyer, a shrewd American collector and future suffrage activist, offered to buy it from the artist: the scandalous Little Dancer, by her absence, had become cloaked in mystery, a legend. Degas refused. He wanted neither to sell the sculpture nor to have it seen. Mrs. Havemeyer, on advice from Mary Cassatt, repeated her offer several times, but Degas resisted the pressure and kept his small statue. He reworked it a little, pondered the possibilities, returned to it: “I must finish this sculpture, even if it puts my aged life at risk. I’ll continue till I drop—and I still feel quite steady on my pegs, despite having just turned sixty-nine,” he wrote in a letter dated to the summer of 1903. Friends suggested that he have bronze casts made, since wax was eminently fragile. Either Degas lacked the funds to do this, having by this time lost his fortune, or he wanted to stay in tête-à-tête with the original—or both—but he never followed up on the suggestion. Possibly he was applying to his own work an observation he had once made on a Rembrandt painting that the Louvre planned to restore: “Touch a painting! But a painting is meant to die, time is meant to walk over it, as over everything else, whence its beauty.”




It was only after his death in 1917 that more than 150 wax statuettes, found at his home in a greater or lesser state of deterioration, were given conservation treatment, the Little Dancer Aged Fourteen among them. But Degas’s close circle did not let time walk over the Little Dancer. After hesitating about whether to restore it for sale as a unique piece, the family decided to send it to the A. A. Hébrard foundry in Paris. There, thanks to the painter Paul-Albert Bartholomé, a friend of Degas, 22 bronze casts of the Little Dancer were made, after an initial plaster mold, then patinated to better imitate the original wax, and finally dispersed to various museums and private collections.

This quick and dirty decision by Degas’s heirs, which showed little respect for the artist’s personality and wishes, was seen by some as a betrayal. Yet making reproductions of the original did not, as Mary Cassatt had feared, detract from the work’s artistic value, and the casts were remarkably faithful. Looking at auction catalogs, we learn that one cast, which included the original clothes, was sold in 1971 for $380,000. Another was auctioned at Sotheby’s for more than £13 million. The work has inspired investors. At the start of the 21st century, Sir John Madejski, owner of the Reading Football Club, bought the sculpture for £5 million and sold it five years later for £12 million. We won’t editorialize on the gross unfairness of the worlds of art and finance, knowing how many painters ended up in mass graves whose works now slumber in safe-deposit vaults.

Degas always lived off his painting. He was also a voracious collector—Ingres, Delacroix, Manet, Pissarro, Daumier, Corot, Sisley, Hokusai, Van Gogh. At his death, he owned, warehoused in his home, more than five hundred masterpieces and thousands of lithographs. But he despised money. His father was a banker who had gone through bankruptcy, and Degas hated to see a work of art treated as a “luxury item” when to him it was an “item of primary necessity.” He sold single pieces—grudgingly and at high value—when he needed the money, and he mocked his colleagues fiercely for pursuing medals, honors, and emoluments. When it came to the Little Dancer, the administrators of the French national museums paid scant attention to the original wax version: it was allowed to leave the country for $160,000.

Bought in 1956 by an American citizen, Mr. Paul Mellon, it has been in the United States ever since, a development Degas might have approved of, since he himself spent time in Louisiana, where his mother was born and a part of his family lived. He adored sprinkling his conversation with English words and would probably not have objected to the expatriation of his work, having considered emigrating himself at one point. In Paris, only one posthumous bronze casting with tutu and ribbon is on view—at the Musée d’Orsay. You can always pick up a reproduction in synthetic resin on the Internet for twenty dollars or so. And there are postcards, of which I have bought many over the years, long before I ever planned to write this book, just because I liked the little dancer. I’ve always liked her, she intrigues and moves me. Her image has accompanied me for a long time, it sits on my desk, my shelves. She has her nose in the air, not looking at me, but I feel her close all the same, observing me though in a different way. Every time I enter a museum where she is on view and to which, for some still secret reason, I’ve come expressly to see her, I feel my heart leap.



The Story of an Iconic Statue: Behind Degas’s Little Dancer. Who Was Marie van Goethem?

By Camille Laurens.  LitHub  , November 20, 2018. 




Following a passionate investigation, Camille Laurens recounts in her book, La petite danseuse de quatorze ans, the tragic fate of the young Marie Van Goethem. In conversation with Martine Kahane, honorary general curator, Musée d'Orsay , Paris,  the writer talks about her attachment to Degas, author of this world-famous sculpture, a tender and scandalous portrait of a "little criminal".


Musée d’Orsay, Published December 21 , 2017. 



Obsession is unhealthy, and it is maybe imperative to the creation of art, which is all that needs be said about that profession. Good artists transform private obsession into something that can be shared: Nicholson Baker on John Updike, John McPhee on geology, Karl Ove Knausgaard on himself, or the French writer Camille Laurens on Edgar Degas, the (sort of) subject of her new book, “Little Dancer Aged Fourteen.”

Look past the earnest subtitle (“The True Story Behind Degas’s Masterpiece”), because this isn’t a book about the truth, and it’s an open question whether the titular art work—a sculpture of a ballerina, hands clasped behind her back—is a masterpiece at all. “Little Dancer Aged Fourteen” is a strange hybrid of art history and art appreciation, a personal narrative that reads like a novel. I have no interest in the Impressionists (Laurens says that the artist himself disliked the moniker, proposing instead the frankly horrible “Intransigents”), but the author’s obsession is, if not contagious, at least fascinating.

Laurens begins her elliptical and odd little book by telling us about her desire to know more about the subject of Degas’s work: “Did she know as she posed in his studio that, thanks to him, she would die less completely than the other girls?” She’s talking, of course, about gender and power. The names of Lisa del Giocondo, the daughters of Edward Darley Boit, and a million so-called courtesans don’t endure as da Vinci, Sargent, and Fragonard, even if their likenesses do.

Degas’s model was a girl named Marie van Goethem. That she was a dancer with the Paris Opéra sounds sweet—visions of chubby toddlers in pink bodysuits and white tights, approximating grace. Laurens conjures something quite different. “Boys could rent out their arms to work in the mines or on the farm,” she writes, “girls rented out their legs, their bodies.” Ballet is somehow utterly cosmopolitan: both high culture and its sordid obverse. “Children reached sexual majority at the age of thirteen, according to an 1863 law—the age had previously been eleven,” the author explains. “Backstage, procurement was the quasi-official function of a mother, who was expected to ‘present’ her daughter to male admirers.”

It’s hard to know whether Degas was motivated to capture high culture or low morals. He was not the only artist to find ballet an alluring metaphor. Laurens cites a writer named Ludovic Halévy, known for a scandalous serial set in the seamy world backstage. Balzac and Zola also wrote on the subject, and here, evoking the grim reality of the life of the “little rat,” as girls like Marie were known, Laurens herself can’t resist a fictional flourish, conjuring a life that she can’t really ever know much about. “Her feet were often bloody and her poorly tended sores infected,” she writes of Marie. “When she arrived home at the tiny apartment she shared with her family, there was no running water. She couldn’t wash her sweaty body until the concierge saw fit to bring water, unless she went back downstairs herself, got in line at the water pump, and lugged the bucket back to the apartment without spilling.”

While Laurens is captivated by Marie, there’s simply more known about Degas. It’s only a biography in the most roundabout way; we learn of the artist’s eye troubles, that he had an American mother (is it therefore fitting that Paul Mellon bought the original “Little Dancer Aged Fourteen”?), that he wrote sonnets.

Impressionism has lost its power to surprise; it’s hard to feel shocked about Manet’s nude picnicker when you’ve seen Carolee Schneemann’s work. But Laurens’s account of the 1881 exhibition where “Little Dancer” débuted gets at why the piece was so odd. It was wax, usually a preparatory stage before being cast in metal. The figure was dressed in real clothes and shoes, and displayed under glass. And it was decidedly unbeautiful.

“The face of the Little Dancer undeniably has some of the features identified by phrenologists and medical anatomists of the day as typically criminal,” Laurens notes. “A sloping forehead, a protruding jaw, prominent cheekbones, thick hair.” At the same exhibition, Degas showed four sketches of young men being tried for murder, which he had drawn from life; those, too, are informed by the day’s prevailing belief that physiognomy contained destiny.

Whether Degas was making a point about his subject’s sexual depravity cannot be answered. Even his position on the Dreyfus affair, one moral litmus test for that era, is opaque. Maybe it doesn’t matter. “Little Dancer” was not a success. The artist declined to show it again, and refused to sell it. Upon his death, his heirs had the wax cast in bronze, in an edition of twenty-two. The original now resides in the National Gallery, in Washington, D.C.; the casts are at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, the Musée d’Orsay, and other such institutions.

Laurens wants to treat Marie, transformed by Degas into an object, as this book’s subject. It’s quixotic, but also magical. I thought of Patrick Modiano, the Nobel Laureate whose novels often use the conventions of crime stories but offer little resolution or satisfaction. In Laurens’s work, as in so many of Modiano’s stories, the thread unravels into maddening loose ends.

Indeed, Laurens cites Modiano, specifically his work “Dora Bruder,” which is about a young Jewish girl whose life he attempts to reconstruct; he follows her to Auschwitz, but Modiano’s book is, Laurens notes, “full of unanswered questions, of unfinished answers, of ‘maybes’ and ‘nevers.’ ” The same is true of the book she has written. “When it comes to her, her reality, I have said nothing, shown nothing,” Laurens writes. “I know nothing.”

She has not solved a mystery (even if she turns up some interesting tidbits from various archives), but Laurens has done something more challenging: she’s captured what it feels like to think. Her enthusiasm, the million little connections that she makes between the dancer, the artist, and her own life, subsume the reader. Laurens tells of reading an article on Degas by Martine Kahane, the head librarian of the Paris National Opera. Though the article is twenty years old, Laurens contacts her immediately, asking questions about Marie. A few weeks ago, I was seated at a dinner next to a woman, also a librarian; when the conversation turned to art, she mentioned that her great-aunt had been the first collector to bring a work by Claude Monet to the United States. That great aunt was Louisine Havemeyer, and, in 1903, she tried to buy “Little Dancer” from Degas. He rebuffed her. Reading this in Laurens’s book, I was seized with a desire to contact her immediately, to share this clue that points to nothing but mere coincidence.

Laurens shows that coincidence may be the only reliable fact of life, a refrain familiar to anyone who has read Modiano. Is it meaningful to note, as she does, that “Little Dancer” was created in 1881, the year of Picasso’s birth, or is it meaningful only because she notes it? Unanswered are the questions of what art is for, who Marie was, and even whether or not Laurens likes Degas. I take this as a measure of her success as a critic. Some questions can’t be answered, but that doesn’t mean they shouldn’t be asked.


Camille Laurens’s “Little Dancer Aged Fourteen” Is a Fascinating Hybrid, and Obsessed with Obsession. By  Rumaan Alam. The New Yorker  , November 20, 2018





“Why do you say that de Gas [sic] can’t get hard?” Vincent van Gogh wrote to his friend, artist Émile Bernard, in 1888. “De Gas lives like a little law clerk and doesn’t like women, knowing that if he liked them and fucked them often, he would become deranged and inept at painting.”

In the letter, the “Starry Night” painter was referring to the French impressionist Edgar Degas, who famously depicted 19th-century ballerinas in moments between grand jetés and pirouettes, stretching and resting and adjusting leotards on canvases that today hang in The Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York City, Musée d’Orsay in Paris, The National Gallery in London and many, many other museums.

Less famously, he was a celibate misogynist who saw women as “‘human animals,’ females of the species.”

So explains author Camille Laurens in Little Dancer Aged Fourteen, a new book on the life of Degas’ most easily recognizable subject, whose name ― Marie van Goethem ― is nowhere near as iconic as the diminutive statue that depicts her in a perpetual fourth-position stance.

Laurens’ book arrives at a cultural moment when the morality of the artist-subject relationship has landed under heightened scrutiny. In December, two sisters penned a petition challenging the Met’s decision to exhibit a painting by the Polish-French modern artist Balthus, showing a 12-year-old girl in repose, her skirt upturned and her underwear exposed. The petition renewed a debate over the kind of conduct (between older, mostly male artists and historically young and female subjects) history is willing to not only condone but exalt.

 Today, discussions about artists’ unsavory methods often revolve around sexuality and consent: whether artists abused their power in the process of creating art, engaged in sex that might not have been consensual and then used their creative practice as a shield to protect themselves.

Degas’ statue “Little Dancer, Age 14” poses a somewhat different idea of dynamics between artist and subject, though one similarly fraught with gendered power imbalances. Laurens posits that it’s highly unlikely Degas sexually abused 14-year-old van Goethem, because Degas was a well-documented celibate, his abstinence rooted in a disgust of womankind. But that disgust, Laurens argues, is a forgotten aspect of the modern art pioneer’s story ― as is his role in ruining the life of a girl whose image helped propel him to fame in the first place.

We don’t always know what occurred between painters and their subjects in the privacy of a studio, but some male artists have made it easy to surmise. “How lovely she was, naked in bed,” French Romantic painter Eugène Delacroix said about one 15-year-old subject. Another artist, Puvis de Chavannes, was known to end his modeling sessions by asking, “Would you like to see the ... of a great man?” Laurens writes.

These men typify the predatory artist archetype at the center of today’s Me Too conversation, which could be used to describe men like Harvey Weinstein or, allegedly, Terry Richardson. But Degas’ abuse looked different. His is more familiar to pockets of the internet occupied by incels ― heterosexual, cellibate men who breed a distrust of and hatred for women.

Laurens traces Degas’ misogyny back to his youth, when he is thought to have contracted a venereal disease from a brothel. As an adult, Degas fraternized with few women aside from his housekeepers. He feared them, his friends believed, especially with regard to how they’d interfere with the quality of his work. His friend and fellow artist Jacques-Emile Blanche described him as “a misogynist and a surgeon” when he crafted van Goethem’s image. He was a voyeur who adopted the attitude of a father figure, a chauvinist critic who embodied the basics of toxic masculinity.

Over time, Degas’ painted odes to the Paris Opera have taken on the rosy glow of nostalgia, all that tulle and ribbonry obscuring darker intentions. His impressionist ballerinas adorn coffee mugs and hang in dorm rooms, as universally and unequivocally beloved as Claude Monet’s “Water Lilies.” In museums, young girls assume the dancers’ poses for cute photo ops. Yet when Degas painted ballerinas, he saw neither budding talent nor charming naiveté. He saw “little rats,” Laurens finds.

Girls who became ballerinas ― at as young as 8 years old ― worked 10 to 12 hours a day, six to seven days a week, under devastating conditions. (One ballerina died after her tutu lit on fire during a rehearsal.) After reaching “sexual maturity” at 13, girls were often paid to have sex with men waiting in the opera’s wings. They earned the nickname “rats” because the animals were known to transmit syphilis.

For Degas, the fact that young dancers had sex with old men read not as abuse on the part of the latter but as sin on the part of the former. He assumed girls’ transactions with powerful men meant they could pull strings from behind the scenes, a thought that elicited both horror and fascination. Degas clearly saw something vital in his recurring subjects, who spurred quotes from him like, “I have locked away my heart in a pink satin slipper.”






Degas’ disdain for women ― and ballerinas in particular ― is writ across “Little Dancer” itself, whose sculptural features were altered to emphasize van Goethem’s moral degeneracy. Degas subscribed to physiognomy, which presumes that criminal behaviors are passed on genetically and thus manifest in physical features. And so he flattened van Goethem’s skull and stretched her chin so she appeared especially “primitive,” a visual reflection of an internal state.

Made of pigmented beeswax, clay and metal armature, and dressed in genuine clothing and slippers, the sculpture was initially derided for resembling a common wax doll. The unvarnished ugliness Degas produced was a shock to the 19th-century art world at large. But the insults he endured were benign in comparison with those lobbed at the subject herself, who was described by an art critic as having a “sickly, grayish face, old and drawn before its time.”

Attitudes changed over the years, though, as is the case for so much art not appreciated in its immediate era. Degas’ “Little Dancer,” which the artist worked on for four years, was eventually canonized as an inflection point in art’s evolution toward modernity. It was, as one critic later wrote, “so original, so fearless ... truly modern.”

Of course, van Goethem didn’t reap the benefits of this artistic triumph. Laurens found, searching through the Paris Opera’s account books, that in 1882, a year after the completion of Degas’ sculpture, she was incrementally docked in pay and eventually fired from her dancing post. Laurens reasoned that modeling interfered with her rehearsals until the company eventually got fed up and let her go.

There are no traces of her life after this point ― no records of marriage, childbearing, arrest or death. “Marie disappeared without a trace,” Laurens concludes. “The little dancer flew away. Her mortal remains most likely lie not in a sepulcher but a communal grave.”

In her book’s final chapters, Laurens comes to a grim conclusion: “If Edgar Degas hadn’t chosen Marie as his model for the Little Dancer, she would probably have stayed on at the Paris Opera. ... By sticking to dance, she would have avoided the descent into hell whose signs are all too clear.”

Laurens cannot uncover exactly what transpired between Degas and van Goethem between 1878 and 1881, but she does provide a few alarming details, culled from research between 2014 and 2016. For instance, to measure van Goethem’s physical proportions, Degas used a special instrument that sometimes slashed models’ faces, Laurens writes. As artist Jacques-Emile Blanche said, “Degas did not seduce, he frightened.”

What Laurens does state with assuredness is that van Goethem is part of an unfortunate pantheon of overlooked artistic subjects ― mostly women, many children ― whose value as human beings was trumped by their role as “muse.”

One such woman is Linda, the pubescent subject of Pablo Picasso’s 1905 “Fillette à la corbeille fleurie,” which sold for $115 million at auction earlier this year. Historians zealously researched the painting’s provenance leading up to the sale, but details of Linda’s life went unaddressed, save for the fact that she probably “died sadly young.” Like van Goethem, her image was valued over her labor, her suffering and her story.

Laurens’ scholarship seeks to amend history’s gendered bias, undoing the persistent myth that a woman’s greatest accomplishment is inspiring a man’s creative genius. Her objective is simple: Treat van Goethem as a human rather than a catalyst. In that sense, Little Dancer echoes Sarah Weinman’s true-crime novel The Real Lolita, which tells the story of Sally Horner, whose kidnapping and rape inspired Vladimir Nabokov’s infamous novel.

With Little Dancer, Laurens broaches the persistent contemporary problem: What do we do with beloved artworks with unsavory origin stories? Don’t look away, Laurens urges by example. On the contrary, dig deeper into the work itself and the people who collaborated to create it. It’s tempting to project fantasy onto history, casting humans as geniuses or monsters, temptresses or victims. But art history isn’t as simple as canceling bad actors and celebrating unsung heroes.

Little Dancer pierces through Degas’ rose-tinted reputation to depict an artist who is no hero and a subject who is no ghost.


The Story Behind Degas’ ‘Little Dancer’ Is Disturbing, But Not In The Way You Expect. By Priscilla Frank. The Huffington Post , November 21 , 2018.