Edward
Albee’s forgotten play Malcolm was a
Broadway flop lasting only seven performances. The play’s premiere, on January
11, 1966, followed 20 half-price preview shows at the Shubert Theatre. Adapted
from James Purdy’s darkly comic novel, which had been celebrated by Dorothy
Parker on its publication in 1959, the play was a critical and commercial
failure. “Of all Albee’s plays,” biographer Mel Gussow reckons, “Malcolm is
probably the one with the fewest admirers, the easiest to categorize as a
mistake.”
Just as
dreamy teenager Malcolm was ill-fated in Purdy’s novel, so was his namesake
play destined to die young, or so it seemed. This outcome was painful for
Purdy; had the adaptation been a success, it would have promoted his career a
good deal. But the play’s failure had the effect of diminishing the reputation
of the novel and of Purdy in general, after he had received mostly praise for
his first five books. With Purdy’s next novel, the harrowing Eustace Chisholm
and the Works (1967), the author would receive some praise but also damnation
from the critics. By contrast, Albee, propelled by the success of the 1966 film
adaptation of his play Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf? (1962), survived
the Malcolm debacle unscathed.
Albee’s
adaptation of Malcolm was panned by drama critics. Despite the playwright’s
huge past success, not a single critic complimented his insipid adaptation.
Facing low ticket sales and half-empty houses, Albee’s devoted producers,
Clinton Wilder and Richard Barr, decided to close the show. To some observers,
it seemed incredible that a playwright of Albee’s caliber could have taken such
a steep fall. After all, Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf? had run for almost two
full years on Broadway. In the aftermath of Malcolm, critic Richard L. Coe
broke down the financials and concluded that “there is certainly something
grievous wrong that any play by a leading playwright, no matter how poorly
received, is unable to survive better than this.” Tickets should have been
offered at half-price rather than canceling the show after just seven
performances, Coe reasoned. To insiders, the rapid shutdown was
perplexing.
The
adaptation, however, was ultimately built to fail. Albee stripped from Purdy’s
story a number of thematically central characters, including Estel Blanc, an
African American undertaker whose appearances bookend the novel. Albee also
removed a Black jazz musician, George Leeds, and whitewashed two other Black
characters, Gus and his ex-wife, Melba. Finally, Albee removed the tattoo
parlor that was based on a boutique run by Purdy’s friend, Samuel Steward, the
former professor turned sexual revolutionary. As a result of Albee’s unhappy
choices, his adaptation is, unlike Purdy’s lively novel, drab and unengaging.
Beyond
the inherent problems involved in adapting such a maverick text, Albee, who
usually held a tight rein, was oddly disengaged from the production of Malcolm.
According to Gussow, Albee decided to regard Malcolm as “an experiment” and let
director Alan Schneider “run the show.” Experiment involves risk, and Albee was
ready to take a big risk with Purdy’s story, but Schneider “was never
enthusiastic about the project.” Even the Shubert Theatre, a huge musical
house, was a poor selection as a venue; the producers could not have expected
to pack such a house with an experimental play like Malcolm.
Purdy
was allowed little input into Albee’s dramatic choices and could offer feedback
only toward the end of the process. When he viewed rehearsals, he sent Albee
telegrams containing brief but urgent suggestions. Albee, who had planned to
finish the play in August 1965 and begin rehearsals in October, was still
completing his revisions at the end of the year, amid preview shows. There was
thus very little time to make significant changes in response to Purdy’s
concerns. This was likely by design; director Peter Hall, who worked with the
playwright in the late 1960s, said that Albee “makes a religion of putting
people off. He loves destabilizing people.”
But to
write a bad adaptation — what could have motivated Albee to make such a
self-destructive move? Albee was attracted to Purdy’s picaresque tale because
of its theme of corrupted innocence, which runs through many of his own plays.
“But why tell [this story] again,” Gussow reasonably asks, “unless he had
something to add to it?” Albee added nothing good but instead sucked the
lifeblood out of Purdy’s best-known novel. As Gussow shows, Albee was not
psychologically well during 1965 when he was working on Malcolm, often drinking
to excess, and his focus was dispersed across various projects. Many noted that
Albee exhibited “a prickly personality marked by malice.” Paranoia, mind games,
and maliciousness were traits that became more prominent during this period. Albee
had come to regard Purdy as at once a genius, a rival, and a growing threat.
All of this suggests that he adapted Malcolm in less than good faith.
The
critics agreed that Albee’s play seemed meaningless or impenetrable, and Albee
seemed strangely content with that judgment. Interpreting the play as a
religious allegory, New York Times theater critic Stanley Kauffmann posed a
series of possible readings before concluding that “these questions might be
stimulating except for one lack: we are never convinced that Mr. Albee himself
knows the answers or — which is worse — that he cares.” Albee’s play, he went
on, is “more pretentious than pertinent, is fashionably disdainful of
communication, is shiny with an artistic veneer that may cover as much vacancy
as depth.” The adaptation failed to do what Purdy succeeds in doing throughout
his corpus — “sustain mystery.”
Albee’s
play was less an adaptation than a hostile takeover. The “property” was now
half Albee’s, and he succeeded in co-opting and degrading Purdy’s signature
work. After the debacle, Purdy wrote in the Harvard Advocate: “I think that
Malcolm would do better as a film […] it really requires the camera.” But, in
fact, no film, musical, or opera was ever made from Malcolm, unlike many
lesser-known Purdy works that have been optioned, and in many cases produced,
in North America and Europe. Why? Because Albee controlled the rights, and he
was extremely envious of the praise Purdy had received, which Albee privately
felt was overinflated. No less than Susan Sontag had declared in 1964:
“Anything Purdy writes is a literary event of importance. He is, to my mind,
indisputably one of the half-dozen or so living American writers worth taking
seriously.” In Malcolm, Albee saw an opportunity to control Purdy’s story,
refusing to relinquish the rights despite Purdy’s repeated requests. The merger
placed Malcolm in the middle of two mad geniuses; as editor and publisher Don
Weise, who worked with both authors, told me: “When you put Edward Albee and
James Purdy together, it’s like an explosion.”
Albee
and Purdy are both gone now, and their reputations are wildly divergent, with
Albee a globally famous playwright and Purdy for the most part forgotten, aside
from a small but diverse cadre of intense admirers that includes John Waters
and Jonathan Franzen. The debacle of Albee’s Malcolm has been expunged from
history. In his 2012 book Eminent Outlaws: The Gay Writers Who Changed America,
Christopher Bram excises Purdy from the narrative entirely, and although he discusses
Albee’s career in the 1960s, he never mentions Malcolm. On the other hand, Gore
Vidal hailed Purdy as an “authentic American genius” in a long New York Times
essay entitled “The Novelist as Outlaw,” and novelist and critic Jerome Charyn
has called Purdy “America’s outlaw of fiction” and “one of the very best
writers we have.”
¤
Purdy
began writing stories as a boy in Findlay, Ohio, and became serious about
trying to publish them after graduating from college in Bowling Green. Through
graduate school at the University of Chicago, service in the Army, employment
with the US government, short teaching stints in Cuba and West Virginia, and a
professorship at Lawrence College in Wisconsin, Purdy continued writing short
stories. But he had a hell of a time getting them published. His first
publication was in 1939, but he did not publish again until 1946 (in Prairie
Schooner), and then not again until 1955 (in The Black Mountain Review). The
world, it seemed, was not yet ready for Purdy’s pursuit of the outrageous and
(as he put it) the “impossible.”
In 1956,
with financing from his friend Osborn Andreas, a Chicago businessman and
literary critic, Purdy privately published a collection of stories. Later that
year, his partner, Jorma Sjoblom, a chemist who had been Purdy’s colleague at
Lawrence College, financed a private edition of Purdy’s novella, 63: Dream
Palace. Purdy mailed out copies of these two books, adorned with his
Cocteauesque line drawings, to writers, critics, and others he intuitively felt
would resonate with the work. Before long, letters filled with praise and
appreciation poured in from Carl Van Vechten, Langston Hughes, John Cowper
Powys, Elizabeth Bishop, Thornton Wilder, Virgil Thomson, Tennessee Williams,
and many more.
The
grandest figure of all to reply was Dame Edith Sitwell. At the time, Sitwell
was revered by many as a magnificent poet and influential tastemaker — a
visionary, a great English eccentric. As Albee noted in a New York Times piece
appearing soon before Malcolm opened, her “opinions were strong and more often
than not unfavorable.” After receiving Purdy’s collection at Montegufoni, the
Sitwell family’s Tuscan castle, Sitwell wrote to say that she thought several
of the stories to be “superb; nothing short of masterpieces,” possessing a
“terrible, heart-breaking quality.” Stunned, Purdy was prompted to send her 63:
Dream Palace. In late 1956, Sitwell wrote: “What a wonderful book! It is a
masterpiece from every point of view,” and Purdy was “truly a writer of
genius.” Through Sitwell’s auspices, Purdy found a publisher in England, which
led to a contract with New Directions in the United States.
Sitwell
broadcast her praise in published reviews starting with his first British book:
“Mr. Purdy is a superb writer, using all the fires of the heart and the
crystallising powers of the brain.” She was “convinced that, long after my
death, James Purdy will come to be recognized as one of the greatest writers
America has ever produced.” This kind of lavish praise inspired many readers to
seek Purdy out, but it also caused some of his contemporaries, including Albee,
to seethe with envy. In 1980, Albee confessed that Purdy had “received public
praise of a fulsomeness — the extravagance of enthusiasm — that may have sown
envy and maggoty urgings toward revenge in the hearts of many.” Malcolm was
Purdy’s follow-up to his 1957 collection Color of Darkness, his first
commercial book, and many critics were curious to see whether Purdy could
produce longer work that might justify accolades such as Sitwell’s.
Malcolm
remains Purdy’s signature book, an enigmatic tale of a towheaded teenage cipher
adrift in a large city, searching for his missing father. Sent to various
“addresses” by Professor Cox, he encounters all kinds of fascinating and sometimes
slippery adults. Chapters focus on characters who are based on colorful people
Purdy had met and befriended in Chicago from the late 1930s through the 1950s.
For example, the models for Eloisa and Jerome Brace were Gertrude Abercrombie,
the bohemian surrealist painter, “jazz queen,” and friend of Dizzy Gillespie,
and her second husband, Frank Sandiford, an ex-con and memoirist; and the
characters of Girard Girard and Madame Girard were based on Osborn Andreas,
Purdy’s friend and benefactor, and his imperious, hard-drinking wife, Miriam.
Most notoriously, the model for Professor Robinolte was Samuel Steward, the
English professor turned tattoo artist, pornographer, and sexual revolutionary
(who became much better known after Justin Spring’s 2010 biography, Secret
Historian, was published).
Purdy’s
Malcolm was mostly favorably reviewed. R. W. B. Lewis situated the novel in the
“fine old comic picaresque tradition,” calling it “a work of baffling, perverse
and very real distinction” and praising Purdy as “a writer of exceptional
talent, who must be acknowledged in the company of Saul Bellow and Ralph
Ellison.” Dorothy Parker, known more for her biting wit than for her generosity
with praise, hailed Malcolm as a “most prodigiously funny book” and called Purdy
“a writer of the highest rank in originality, insight and power.” This was the
kind of praise that made Albee turn green.
Purdy
became known for his tight dialogue, which led playwrights like Lillian Hellman
and Tennessee Williams to encourage him to write plays. Hellman not only
connected Purdy with potential producers, but she also proposed him for the
Academy of Arts and Letters, a nomination seconded by Dorothy Parker and
Glenway Wescott, the poet and novelist. Although the first play Purdy wrote, Madonna,
was not ultimately produced, the experience empowered him to compose two short
dramas, Cracks and Children Is All, which were published in book form in 1962
(and which influenced some of Tennessee Williams’s later work, according to
John Uecker, who was Williams’s last assistant and Purdy’s longtime friend and
assistant). The attention of theater heavyweights like Hellman and Williams was
likely vexing to the up-and-coming Albee.
In 1961,
Gene Andrewski, a Paris Review editor, adapted some of Purdy’s stories,
mounting them as Malcolm and Others by James Purdy at the Poetry Center in New
York. The production featured a famed acting couple, Zachary Scott and Ruth
Ford, and Purdy himself played the narrator; also starring were Betty Field and
Eli Wallach, whose Broadway debut had been in Williams’s The Rose Tattoo in
1951. Albee was thus not the first to put Purdy on stage or even the first to
show interest in bringing Malcolm to Broadway. In 1962, newspapers reported
that playwright William Archibald was adapting Purdy’s novel into a Broadway
play. Archibald had adapted Henry James’s short novel The Turn of the Screw as
a successful play, The Innocents, in 1950, which was produced as a film (with a
script by Archibald and Truman Capote) in 1961. Of course, his plans for
Malcolm would not come to fruition once Albee became involved.
In 1963,
the play Color of Darkness: An Evening in the World of James Purdy, directed by
Bill Francisco of the Yale Drama School, was performed at the off-Broadway
Writers Stage Theatre. Composer Ned Rorem, who wrote incidental music for the
production, wrote in his diary: “Not the least effective element of Color of
Darkness […] is the music which plays almost constantly, even during
intermission when the taped saxophone wails into the washrooms.” Gloria
Vanderbilt, a future admirer of Purdy’s poetry, was Rorem’s “date” for the
performance. Purdy and Rorem became friends. The culmination of the evening was
a performance of Purdy’s short play Cracks starring Eleanor Phelps, who had
just returned from touring My Fair Lady. Edward Albee was in attendance, and
seems to have been inspired, since he began adapting Malcolm in 1965.
Why was
Albee’s play such a miserable failure, receiving universally unfavorable
reviews, despite the involvement of a big-name playwright, not to mention the
veteran actress Estelle Parsons? In his stage debut, Matthew Cowles played
Malcolm and, by all reports, handled the role well. Privately, Purdy wrote that
Cowles had “much of the naiveté and innocence — very good — but lacks the
‘divine’ or ‘princely’ aura” and “doesn’t suggest deeper meaning.” But “anyhow
Matthew Cowles was fine.” The director, Alan Schneider, had previously helmed
the US premieres of Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf? and Tiny Alice (1964),
along with a number of other Broadway hits. He was not excited about Albee’s
take on Malcolm, however, and it showed. Moreover, Albee allowed the production
to fall out of his control for some reason, perhaps because he knew his
adaptation was lackluster. The New Yorker panned the play, and Kauffmann in the
Times, after praising the production as “exquisite,” dismissed Albee’s
adaptation as hollow and boring. Although the critics were hostile, most of
them made clear that Purdy’s novel was not the source of the problem.
Kauffmann, for instance, took care to stress the many “changes from Mr. Purdy’s
novel (too lengthy to examine here),” and the review in Choice noted that
Purdy’s book is a “clever and well written novel.”
In the
late ’60s, Purdy stated publicly that he had liked Albee’s adaptation, but his
personal notes on the script make clear that he did not. In these notes, Purdy
recorded that “Albee’s concept of Malcolm” was “very different from” his own
and complained that the removal of key characters was not based on “dramatic
exigency but show[ed] a radically different concept.” By 1989, Purdy was
complaining openly about the changes, telling Patricia Lear that Albee “couldn’t
find anyone to play the midget, or dwarf, so he changed it to a one hundred and
twenty-year-old man, and that doesn’t work at all.” Privately, he wrote that
“Albee removed two crucial characters,” which is “like removing Hamlet’s ghost
father and the Queen from Hamlet” — the play “can’t work as Malcolm without
these.” By 2000, Purdy was even more forthright, revealing to Richard Canning
that he found Albee’s adaptation “terrible. Awful. I like Edward Albee, though.
I’m glad he did it. It had moments, but I don’t know that anyone could put
Malcolm on the stage.” According to Purdy’s notes on the first page of the
playscript, “none of this worked dramatically or visually — Dead.”
Remarkably,
Albee removed all the African American characters, draining the story of much
of its richness and diversity. As Purdy complained in his private notes, “Albee
ignored the fact that nearly half the characters in Malcolm are colored. He
made it all white.” More pointedly, he remarked that the adaptation “excludes
carefully and thoroughly all the Negro elements (I can only guess why).” Albee
also did not include much of the modern jazz that Purdy had heard at Gertrude
Abercrombie’s salons, which plays an important role in the novel. For example,
he stripped out the character of George Leeds, a Black jazz pianist who is
based upon John Lewis, a future member of the Modern Jazz Quartet, whom Purdy
met at Abercrombie’s house. On top of all this, Albee whitewashed some of
Purdy’s Black characters, including the leather-clad motorcyclist Gus and his
ex-wife, Melba, a nightclub singer. In the production, white actors
played Gus and Melba.
It’s
possible that deeply seated racism may have played a part in Albee’s purging of
Blackness from Purdy’s story. Notably, the Albee estate, in 2017, denied a
small professional theater company in Oregon permission to cast a Black actor
as Nick in their planned production of Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf? The
director subsequently aired his indignation on social media, and online outrage
ensued, with pundits asserting that, if the Albee estate was racist and out of
touch, then, by implication, Albee was too. The New York Times covered the
story under a sensational headline: “A Black Actor in ‘Virginia Woolf’? Not
Happening, Albee Estate Says.”
Born in
1928, Albee grew up in a wealthy family. His adoptive father owned a few
theaters, and his grandfather had been the general manager of the Keith-Albee
circuit, which held a near-monopoly on Vaudeville theaters and talent in much
of the United States. Albee’s mother, with whom he had a torturous love-hate
relationship, was an overt racist. The composer Noel Farrand, Albee’s neighbor
and longtime friend, said that the “regal and forbidding” Mrs. Albee was “a
very bigoted woman” who was “ruling Edward in a far from benevolent way.” Albee
himself said that the representation of his mother as a censorious termagant in
his 1991 play Three Tall Women was “fairly accurate.” As he commented to
Gussow, aside from “vile remarks” about Blacks and Jews, the Albees would have
passed “as a perfectly normal middle-class WASP family.” Another friend
recalled that “nobody even had black help; it was all Irish and Scottish.”
While
Albee grew up in an over-privileged, toxic environment, Purdy, by contrast,
came from a humble, struggling Midwestern family, and he felt looked down upon
by his more affluent peers. Purdy would often linger to listen to the stories
of two older African American women who prepared desserts for his mother to
serve at their home, which she had converted into a boarding house after her
divorce in 1930. Purdy’s early story “Eventide,” which featured dialogue in
vernacular between two Black women, was inspired both by these early
experiences and by his absorption of jazz culture in Chicago. This story, along
with the title of his collection Color of Darkness, caused early readers of his
privately published manuscript, including Carl Van Vechten, Langston Hughes,
Angus Wilson, and Edith Sitwell, to believe that Purdy was African American.
Unlike
Purdy, Albee hardly ever featured Black characters in his works. Despite the
resistance of his estate, however, he was not personally opposed to Black
actors starring in Virginia Woolf and had, in fact, supported an all-Black
performance of the play at Howard University, even writing some changes to
facilitate the production. Another all-Black production was mounted in Chicago
not long after the Oregon fiasco. The Albee estate has said that making only
Nick African American “essentially transforms George and Martha into older
white racists, which is not what Edward’s play is about,” but that “virtually
all the roles” in Albee’s plays “can and should be done in a diverse,
color-conscious way.”
In
short, it wasn’t mere racism that caused Albee to expunge the Black characters
from his adaptation of Malcolm. Perhaps he removed the African American
elements of the novel for the same reason he removed the tattoo parlor: to
drain the story of life and relevance. Combined with a lifeless set centered on
distracting treadmills, which never quite worked right, and Albee’s persistent
delays and lack of focus, the result, predictably, was a disaster. Even the
music, composed by Albee’s former romantic partner, William Flanagan, lacked
dynamism and was ill-suited to Purdy’s vision. Purdy told Marie-Claude Profit
that Albee’s play “was not my work. It was rather gloomy. He cut out all the
humor. And he changed all the blacks to whites and the musical score, instead
of being jazz, was sort of avant-garde music of many years ago. It had a very
ambitious score.” Flanagan was not associated with jazz but rather art music,
so he would not have been able to compose convincing bebop. As Purdy wrote in
his private notes, “Mr. Flanagan’s musical score was distinguished, but doesn’t
convey all the shades of the novel — it is sparse like everything else in the
production.” Ned Rorem, who had written to Purdy expressing interest in
composing music for the play, wrote in his diary that Flanagan’s music betrayed
“an absence of direction, hence its untheatricality.”
Albee’s
radical changes to Purdy’s novel drained meaning and pleasure from the work. In
the draft of an article intended for Life magazine, Purdy revealed his
suspicions about Albee’s character. He complained that Albee “altered some of
the [novel’s] characters in line with his own concept of ‘evil.’” None of his
own characters were evil, Purdy wrote, they simply lacked “values by which to
live,” but Albee, either for dramatic reasons “or because he reads life this
way,” made two characters “actively evil […] purposely harmful and conniving.”
Art imitates life: Albee was notoriously fascinated with — and given to — petty
mind games, and some commentators have identified his ferocious spats with
Flanagan as a key source for the verbal warfare in Who’s Afraid of Virginia
Woolf? As Blanche DuBois remarks in A Streetcar Named Desire, “[S]ome things
are not forgivable. Deliberate cruelty is not forgivable.”
Against
all good sense, Albee courted not success with Malcolm but outright failure. He
was willing to suffer the play bombing to ensure taking down his rival. As
Robert Brustein wrote in The New Republic, “Albee’s declared intention was to
attract readers to Purdy’s writings, but he seems to have precisely the
opposite effect.” The retrospective conclusion of Malcolm’s producer, Richard
Barr, is revealing: “Edward wrote that play with a sword instead of a pen and
we overproduced it.” In a dark emotional place, often pickled in alcohol,
feeling “envy and maggoty urgings toward revenge,” Albee plunged that sword
into his rival. Purdy intuited this motivation, stating in the Harvard Advocate
that, “[a]s a matter of fact, I never believed Malcolm was on Broadway, and I
don’t now, and it probably never was.” After the play closed, he told Roger Straus
that he was “recovering from Armageddon at the Shubert! Let’s have the
Mafia sprit away the next adapter.”
For his
part, Albee had some final thoughts about the catastrophe, which he shared in a
letter to Flanagan. The letter was sent from Europe, where Albee was on an
extended tour, dining with Dick and Liz in London, discussing a potential film
collaboration with Franco Zeffirelli and Rudolf Nureyev in Rome. All this
excitement had quite wiped the disaster of Malcolm from his mind. In fact, he
felt good, though he admitted to being a bit “guilty and uneasy” about his
sense of well-being. “Indeed, why was I not going into a decline?” he wondered.
“Why was I not sleepless, disoriented, and given to feelings of worthlessness
and subject to writers-block?” On the contrary, after the regenerative violence
of taking down Purdy, his next big hit, A Delicate Balance, was flowing rapidly
from his pen.
I am of
good mind, am working, resting, and — at most — mildly curious to know, when
the time comes, whether or not the commercial failure of Malcolm was a true
statement of its artistic value, as well. Otherwise, I couldn’t care less about
it. (Had it not been an adaptation!!!! Well now!!!).
Albee’s
coldness toward Purdy here is astonishing. Clearly, for Albee, Malcolm’s
failure was a kind of twisted success, with Purdy rather resembling his own
creation, a naïve innocent exploited and discarded by a jaded sophisticate.
“Maggoty
Urgings Toward Revenge”: Edward Albee’s Adaptation of James Purdy’s “Malcolm”
By
Michael Snyder. Los Angeles Review of Books , September 9,2020.
Michael
Snyder, an assistant teaching professor in the College of Arts and Sciences at
the University of Oklahoma, is completing a biography of James Purdy. Snyder is
the co-author and editor of a new book, Our Osage Hills, which features lost
early work by John Joseph Mathews (Lehigh University Press), and the author of
John Joseph Mathews: Life of an Osage Writer (University of Oklahoma Press).
At first
he was feted. But then his novel about a handsome, Yale-educated serial rapist
made him an outcast. Ten years after his death, has the scabrous author’s time
finally come?
On 6
August 2015, the American author and playwright James Purdy left New York for
the last time. Bound for Denmark, he travelled in a small flip-top leather case
with a combination lock. This was inside the rucksack of Maria Cecilia Holt,
Harvard doctor of theology, who was asked to produce the necessary papers while
going through security at Boston Logan airport.
“I’d
collected James’s ashes from his literary executor,” she explains. “It had been
quite traumatic. So I presented security with the papers and the ashes and they
said, ‘Ma’am, we’re sorry for your loss.’ I began to cry. I wanted to say,
‘It’s not my loss, it’s yours. America is losing a great writer. He’s leaving
the US for ever – and no one even cares.’”
Holt
gave the ashes to Charles Lock, professor of English literature at Copenhagen
University, who put them on his bookshelf – and that’s where they have been for
three-and-a-half years. However, on 13 March, exactly 10 years after Purdy’s
death at the age of 94, Lock will travel with the remains to the graveyard of
St Mary’s Church in Weedon Lois, Northamptonshire, where they will be interred
next to the grave of the English poet Edith Sitwell, in accord with Purdy’s
final request.
“The
idea was appealing in its sheer oddness,” says Lock, who was asked to help by
Purdy’s literary executor. “I don’t think there’s another American writer of
such importance buried in Britain. TS Eliot, of course, but he’d long been a
British subject.”
When
Purdy died, obituaries eulogised him as a unique, fearless voice of American
fiction. They praised his bizarre, savage wit, his dreamlike vernacular prose
and its ability to conjure up gothic midwestern landscapes of beguiled
innocence, grotesque violence and gender-fluid racial and sexual obsession. But
they also pointed out that this white, midwestern writer who wrote about
outsiders – women, African Americans, gay people, Native Americans – was
himself cast out by the US literary establishment.
Despite
praise in his lifetime from Langston Hughes, Susan Sontag, Edward Albee, Gore
Vidal, as well as – in later years – John Waters and Jonathan Franzen, Purdy
felt more loved in Britain. He talked often of how the critic and poet John
Cowper Powys called him “the best kind of original genius” – and of how Sitwell
helped him publish 63: Dream Palace, his first novella, in 1957. He eventually
notched up a total of 18 novels and 20 plays, as well as numerous poems and
short stories.
“English critics saw something unique in
Purdy,” says Professor Richard Canning, a Purdy scholar at the University of
Northampton, who has organised a symposium on the writer’s work to follow the
burial ceremony this week. “Purdy met his American critical neglect with
incomprehension, suspicion and anger. Yet from the start, he could write no
other way.”
The
writer was born poor in Hicksville, Ohio, in 1914. His parents divorced when he
was young, so Purdy moved between his mother and father, and his grandparents,
who would tell him strange gothic tales that he’d transform into short stories
and plays, utilising the language of the King James Bible and Shakespeare’s
dramas, works he was made to read cover-to-cover by his Calvinist family. “I
think it taught me the English language,” said Purdy. “I grew up in a family of
matriarchs. They were all inveterate storytellers.”
Purdy
studied English at the University of Chicago where, in 1935, broke and without
friends, he befriended Gertrude Abercrombie, painter and “queen of the bohemian
artists”, whose ruined mansion was a popular stopover for jazz artists
including Sonny Rollins, Dizzy Gillespie, Charlie Parker, Miles Davis, and
Billie Holiday. Inspired by the improvised jam sessions at Abercrombie’s salon,
and by the writers of the Harlem renaissance, Purdy developed his unique
writing style, incorporating a small-town midwest vernacular and African
American slang.
“Jazz is
a good description of Purdy’s writing,” says his biographer, Michael Snyder.
“He incorporates different tonalities and voices within a single story,
employing this archaic, almost biblical American language.”
Purdy
began sending out his stories to magazines. But, as he wrote in An
Autobiographical Sketch in 1984, they “were always returned with angry,
peevish, rejections … They said that I wrote in a peculiar manner … too vivid.
[They] were insistent I’d never be published.”
If it
wasn’t for Sitwell, that might have been true. But in the period following
Gollancz’s publication of 63: Dream Palace, with Purdy ensconced in a small
apartment in Brooklyn Heights, his work was briefly in vogue. His first novel
Malcolm, an absurdist Candide-like journey through an American metropolis, was
described by Dorothy Parker as “the most prodigiously funny book [of] these
heavy-hanging times”, while 1961’s follow-up, The Nephew, was hailed by Angus
Wilson as “a reverberating work [of] magnificent simplicity”.
Feted by
the establishment, Purdy received a Guggenheim Fellowship, and an award from
the National Institute of Arts and Letters. But just a few years later, he bit
the hand that fed him (clean off, you could say) with Cabot Wright Begins. A
scabrous satire about three of New York’s sacred cows – publishing, politics
and psychiatry – the novel concerns the battle for the biographical rights of
the titular Wright, a handsome, Yale-educated stockbroker and serial rapist.
New York Times book critic Orville Prescott called it “the sick outpouring of a
confused, adolescent, distraught mind”. A counter-attack from Susan Sontag
hailed it as “a bravura work of satire”, but the damage was done.
“If my
life up to then had been a series of pitched battles,” wrote Purdy, “the future
was to be a kind of endless open warfare.” Cabot Wright Begins, he added, “was
condescendingly reviewed by the pew-warmers of the local think tanks. [It] was
not about a rapist but about people that try to write a book about a rapist.
It’s about writing. Nearly everybody missed that.”
However,
it was Purdy’s next novel, Eustace Chisholm and the Works, that especially
outraged the “pew-warmers”. A violent hallucinatory work set in Depression-era
Chicago, it told the story of a Native American who can’t accept he’s in love
with another man. The book, said Purdy, was about how “we rip out the beautiful
things in us so we’ll be acceptable to society”. Dismissed by the New York
Times as “a homosexual novel”, the book was also denounced by the writer Nelson
Algren as a “fifth-rate avant-garde soap opera [about] prayer and faggotry”.
Despite it being his bestselling book, with a
review in the Sunday Times by George Steiner praising its “power to make nerve
and bone speak”, Purdy was effectively marginalised for the rest of his life.
“My books are all underground,” Purdy told Interview magazine in 1972. “They’re
about something people don’t want to hear expressed. Critics would like to
carry them off to the shit-yard, [but] they can’t, because they haunt people.”
“He was
tapping into something deep within us,” says biographer Snyder. “He was writing
about same-sex love and desire, saying it could happen to anyone. Plus, he was
combining that with issues of race and power. New York critics just shut him
down and diminished his name.”
The
label “homosexual writer” stuck for the rest of his career, with Purdy confined
to what Gore Vidal called “the large cemetery of gay literature … where unalike
writers are thrown together in a lot, well off the beaten track of family
values”. In later years, Purdy moved further off the beaten track, as much by
intention as circumstance. “I’m not a gay writer,” he would tell interviewers.
“I’m a monster. Gay writers are too conservative.”
Speaking
to Penthouse magazine in 1978, Purdy said being published was like “throwing a
party for friends and all these coarse wicked people come instead, and break
the furniture and vomit all over the house”. He added that, in order to protect
oneself, “a writer needs to be completely unavailable”.
“The public image was something horrific to
him,” says Purdy scholar Canning. “But he was also completely impossible. He
refused to play the game. When Derek Jarman wanted to make a film of his 1976
novella, Narrow Rooms, Purdy asked who Jarman wanted for the lead, then said,
‘Over my dead body!’ For the rest of his life, Purdy regarded Jarman as the
biggest traitor. When I interviewed him in 1997 a lot of what he said was
slanderous, or unintentionally offensive, or settling scores … though it was
also pretty funny. He was nobody’s servant.”
In the
last 10 years of his life, Purdy also developed a circle of acolytes not best
interested in promoting his reputation. “They believed in alchemy and secret
genealogies,” says Canning. “You’d call his apartment and other people would
answer the phone, saying he wasn’t in. People were worried about him, but he
always loved being on the wrong side of the tracks.”
“He put
his worst foot forward,” says Snyder. “But because he remained uncompromising,
his style still feels fresh, weird and unique. His 1989 novel, Garments the
Living Wear and his final short story, Adeline, were both ahead of their time
in dealing with gender fluidity.” Then there’s Cabot Wright Begins, the book
that destroyed Purdy’s career. Snyder insists its time has come. “It has all
the hyperbole and hysteria of Trump’s America,” he says. “Purdy got under the
skin of America to something deep, universal and macabre.”
What
Purdy would think of the burial ceremony, and this revival of interest in his
work, remains debatable. “I don’t think I’d like it if people liked me,” he
once remarked. “I’d think something had gone wrong.”
• The
burial ceremony will take place at 2pm on Wednesday 13 March. Narrow Rooms and
In A Shallow Grave have just been republished by Valancourt Books. Peter Owen
Books plans to publish four of Purdy’s later works in November.
'I'm not
a gay writer, I'm a monster': how James Purdy outraged America. By Andrew Male.
The Guardian , March 11, 2019.
A couple
of years ago, I mentioned James Purdy in passing, in an essay I was writing for
a literary journal. When the proofs came back to me, I found that the copy
editor had suggested that I delete Purdy’s name since, in her estimation, few
of the journal’s readers were likely to be familiar with his work. I declined
the suggestion but remain startled by its implication—that Purdy, always a proud
outsider, had fallen so completely off the literary map that he was essentially
unknown to even the most literate readers.
Like his
near contemporaries Jean Stafford and Dawn Powell, Purdy has long had a small
but vocal following that believes him worthy of a much wider readership. Born
in Ohio, in 1914, Purdy began writing at an early age, but for years was unable
to find a commercial publisher for his fiction. He turned to England, where he
was taken up by Edith Sitwell, and there his first novel was published when he
was forty-five. In the decades since, the case for Purdy has been made by
Dorothy Parker, Gore Vidal, Susan Sontag, Paul Bowles, and, most recently,
Jonathan Franzen. But none of them have quite succeeded, it seems, in lodging
Purdy in the minds of very many readers.
Publishers
have also sought to rekindle interest in Purdy’s work. A generation ago, it was
the Black Sparrow Press which steadfastly kept his titles in print; in the
middle of the last decade, Carroll & Graf put out new editions of several
of his books. Now Liveright has taken up the cause. Last year they released a
handsomely produced compendium of Purdy’s short stories, and this year they
have republished three of Purdy’s novels: “Malcolm,” his 1959 début; “Cabot
Wright Begins” (1964), and “Eustace Chisholm and the Works” (1967), which
Franzen selected for the 2005 Clifton Fadiman Medal, a prize bestowed on the
American novel deemed most worthy of rediscovery. As genuinely strange,
unsettling, and indelible as these books are, it seems unlikely that their
republication will gain Purdy, who died in 2009, the kind of widespread
posthumous embrace enjoyed recently by another near contemporary, John
Williams. On the contrary, a reading (or rereading) of these books—and the
stories that preceded them—suggests that the very qualities that make Purdy’s
works worth reviving are also the ones that will forever limit his potential
audience. Unsparing, ambiguous, violent, and largely indifferent to the
reader’s needs, Purdy’s fiction seems likely to remain an acquired taste. But
it is a taste worth acquiring.
Purdy
once said that he was drawn only to stories that “bristled with
impossibilities.” In his novels and short fiction, possibility and potential
are always compromised. There is neither transcendence nor transformation. His
characters do not grow or develop; they dwindle and unravel. Purdy saw
Hawthorne and Melville, “two other Calvinists,” as his literary antecedents,
and it is not hard to interpret some of Purdy’s protagonists as latter-day
incarnations of Billy Budd and Young Goodman Brown: guileless innocents abused
by the world’s depraved sinners. “Malcolm,” along with the novella “63: Dream
Palace,” is perhaps the book that most closely fits this mold. The title
character is, by his own account, “a cypher and a blank,” completely ignorant
of the ways of the world. A fifteen-year-old orphan with “an untouched
appearance,” Malcolm lives in a palatial hotel, but on a dwindling inheritance.
He passes his days sitting on a bench, waiting in vain for his father to
return. One day, he is taken up by a mischievous passerby, an astrologer named
Cox, who promises to introduce him to the wider world. “Give yourself up to
things!” Cox insists. When Malcolm demurs, Cox taunts him: “You wish to remain
on the bench. You prefer that to beginning.”
Malcolm
finally relents and, in the following pages, is sent to a series of “addresses”
where he encounters an array of oddballs and eccentrics, including a retired
undertaker, a dwarf married to a former prostitute, and a billionaire named
Girard Girard. The novel becomes a contest to see who among Mr. Cox’s
“addresses” will succeed in possessing and ultimately defiling the young man.
Purdy is often referred to as a symbolist, and one way to read “Malcolm” is as
an unhinged allegory of accelerated adolescence, with debts to both “Pilgrim’s
Progress” and “Alice in Wonderland.”
The
plot, in any case, loosely parallels the story of Purdy’s own youth. Raised in
a Bible-reading family in a small town in Ohio, Purdy was, by his own account,
“brought up in a troubled atmosphere.” During the nineteen-twenties, his father
suffered financial setbacks, his parents divorced, and he was shuttled among
different relatives. He moved to Chicago as a teen-ager, “unprepared for its
overwhelming confusion.” “Everything since then has been unreal,” he later
wrote. In his twenties, after military service and studies at the University of
Chicago, he began sending out his short stories. These stories were, he
claimed, “always returned with angry, peevish, indignant rejections from the
New York slick magazines, and they earned, if possible, even more hostile
comments from the little magazines.” While in Chicago, Purdy was taken under
the wing of the painter Gertrude Abercrombie, who ran a salon in her home that
was fashioned after Gertrude Stein’s. Among the participants of the Abercrombie
salon were some of the most important figures in the history of jazz: Sonny
Rollins, Erroll Garner, Dizzy Gillespie, Charlie Parker, Max Roach, Miles Davis
and Sarah Vaughan. Later, when Purdy moved to New York, it was the writer and
photographer Carl Van Vechten who served as his mentor and facilitator.
Gertrude
Abercrombie turns up in “Malcolm” in the form of Eloisa Brace, an artist who is
married to an ex-con named Jerome. Brace’s house is full of black musicians
rehearsing and putting on shows. Malcolm takes up residence there so that Brace
can paint his portrait for Girard Girard’s wife, who has become besotted with
the young man, seeing in him qualities her money can’t buy: juvenescence and
innocence. Malcolm ends up being plucked off the street by a man on a
motorcycle, who takes him to a club where he is introduced to a renowned singer
named Melba (“America’s number one chanteuse”), who promptly decides she must
marry him. Not long after, Malcolm dies of “acute alcoholism and sexual
hypertension.”
Purdy
was heavily influenced by black artists, drawn to the work of people who
existed outside the white cultural mainstream. (Both Sitwell and the British
novelist Angus Wilson, among others, were convinced on first reading Purdy’s
work that the author himself was black.) In “Malcolm,” which was published
almost a decade before Loving v. Virginia, the protagonist marries a powerful
black woman. It’s a quiet transgression that can get lost amid Purdy’s louder
ones.
Still,
“Malcolm” is, by some criteria, a complete failure as a novel. Its protagonist
is not fully human; none of the characters in the book are particularly
recognizable. The ending is not only downbeat but unsatisfying. It doesn’t seem
to have much of a point. (The book illustrates why Purdy fits uneasily into the
slots we use to pigeonhole writers: he’s not a gay novelist per se, nor a
social critic, though gay themes and social critique abound in his work.) The
material feels unnervingly personal, as if the reader is peeping at the
author’s nightmares. And yet “Malcolm,” like Purdy’s other work, is admirable
for many of those very same qualities. It is the uncanny product of a singular
vision, distinctly American and hard to refute. It is also extremely funny,
much of the humor stemming from Malcolm’s innocence. When someone refers to Cox
as “a pederast,” the boy takes it to be a synonym for “astrologer.” Later, when
Jerome is trying to seduce Malcolm, he keeps asking the boy if he knows what an
“ex-con” is. Malcolm doesn’t pick up on this euphemism for “sexual predator”
until it’s almost too late. In Purdy’s work, the things we’d rather not know
about are forever manifesting themselves, often uproariously.
It’s
hard to think of a contemporary writer whose work shares this sensibility, a
cool elegance laid over extreme emotion. The most apt comparison may be Wes
Anderson, whose films similarly feature casts of eccentrics, dialogue full of
non sequiturs, deadpan humor, and unabashed farce. But Anderson’s movies can,
at times, seem glib; Purdy’s books are shot through a much darker lens. There’s
nothing in Anderson that is akin to the gruelling abortion scene in “Eustace
Chisholm and the Works,” for instance. (For that, you’d have to turn to David
Lynch.)
Lauded
by both Franzen and Vidal, “Eustace Chisholm” is probably the peak of Purdy’s
career, the book of his to read if you’re only going to read one. Not long
after its publication, Purdy embarked on a series of linked novels, known
collectively as “Sleepers in Moon-Crowned Valleys.” Historical works inspired
by stories Purdy’s grandmother told him as a child, they, like so many of
Purdy’s later novels, seem like a rebuke to the expectations of mainstream
commercial publishers. Purdy continued to write novels, stories, and plays
almost to the end of his life, but he appeared resigned to obscurity.
Popularity, he told an interviewer, would have meant “that something had gone
wrong.”
Reviewing
“Malcolm” in Esquire, in 1959, Dorothy Parker wrote, “I do not know if
‘Malcolm’ will greatly add to the numbers of James Purdy’s readers. …. It may
be, as they say, only for the special.”
Half a
century later, Parker’s assessment still feels right. Reading “The Complete
Short Stories of James Purdy” on the subway recently, I was approached by a
fellow passenger, who said, “Great book!” When I replied that I was enjoying it
very much, he shook his head. “I wish more people read him.”
The
Strange, Unsettling Fiction of James Purdy.
By Jon Michaud. The New Yorker , July
21, 2015
When he died
in 2009, at 94, James Purdy was a forgotten man. He had always been a cult
writer, held in almost worshipful regard for his wildly original, sometimes
shocking novels and stories that worked the margins of American society, fringe
territory populated by small-town folk, failed artists and tormented gay men.
Over time, he
made the transition from underrated to unread. The trajectory was steep. In his
brief but brilliant heyday, from the late 1950s to the mid-’60s, he seemed
poised to take a place in the literary front ranks. Susan Sontag, assessing his
1964 novel, “Cabot Wright Begins,” for The New York Times Book Review, called
him “indisputably one of the half-dozen or so living American writers worth
taking seriously.”
That opinion
was not eccentric. The backup chorus included Edith Sitwell, Angus Wilson,
Dorothy Parker, Tennessee Williams and Gore Vidal. Their combined voices failed
to secure Mr. Purdy a permanent place in the mainstream. “His hope kept being
deferred, the hope of being a major voice in American literature,” said Paul W.
Miller, a Purdy scholar now retired from Wittenberg University in Ohio. “It
never happened.”
Liveright
Publishing, which reissued “Cabot Wright Begins,” has just given Mr. Purdy what
may be his last, best chance at a breakthrough. “The Complete Short Stories of
James Purdy,” released in July, gathers all 49 of his published stories, from
“A Good Woman,” which first appeared in the magazine Creative Writing in 1949,
to “Reaching Rose,” from the 2000 collection “Moe’s Villa and Other Stories.”
It also includes five early unpublished stories, found in the Purdy papers at
Yale — the earliest dating from the 1930s — and two recent stories that John
Uecker, Mr. Purdy’s literary executor, says the author deemed ready for
publication.
Robert Weil,
the editor in chief of Liveright and a longtime Purdy fan, said: “I wanted to
do something that would resurrect his career and secure him his rightful place
in American letters. Otherwise, I felt he might be lost.”
“I thought it
was worth a gamble to bring together all the stories known to exist,” he added.
It is a
gamble. To read all of the stories and follow the arc of Mr. Purdy’s career is
to be reminded of how idiosyncratic, unpredictable and deeply strange an artist
he was. These qualities drastically limited his readership, but they also make
him a tantalizing figure for certain writers, notably Jonathan Franzen, and a
hero for provocateurs like Tao Lin. John W. McCormack, a senior editor at the
experimental literary magazine Conjunctions, said, “Someone that iconoclastic
is always going to appeal to young writers.”
In her review
of “Cabot Wright Begins,” Sontag shrewdly identified at least three authorial
identities: “Purdy the satirist and fantasist; Purdy the gentle naturalist of
American, particularly small-town American, life; and Purdy the writer of
vignettes or sketches, which give us a horrifying snapshot image of helpless
people destroying each other.”
These multiple
personalities made Purdy difficult to classify. “He had no antecedents,” said
Jerome Charyn, a fellow author at Arbor House in the 1970s. “He came out of nowhere,
singing.” John Martin, who brought out a large collection of Purdy stories in
1991 when he ran Black Sparrow Press, puts Purdy in the same “dark category” as
Paul Bowles, Eudora Welty, Flannery O’Connor and Carson McCullers.
“Purdy digs a
bit deeper than those,” he wrote in an e-mail. “He takes more risks. He is more
extreme.” He added, “He is not afraid to push on until he fails, which he often
does.” Dwight Garner, in a review of the collected stories in The Times, called
him “one of those American originals who is mostly more interesting to read
about than to actually read.”
The “nowhere”
that Mr. Purdy came from was the unforgettably named Hicksville, Ohio, where he
was born in 1914, about a decade earlier than he let on. His difficult small-town
boyhood in nearby Findlay, where he took nourishment from the tales that older
relatives told, helped shape the sensibility that sent critics searching for a
new label: Midwestern Gothic. In Chicago, where he moved after graduating from
Bowling Green State University, he fell in with members of the Bohemian set
around the painter Gertrude Abercrombie, many of them future jazz greats like
Dizzy Gillespie and Max Roach.
As a writer,
he earned more than his fair share of rejection. Like Dawn Powell, a fellow
Ohioan, he was a Midwesterner trying to make inroads in New York. Adding to his
sense of alienation, he was a gay man in a hostile straight society. His early
work saw the light of day only when a couple of well-to-do patrons arranged for
private printings of his stories. His first commercial publication came in
Britain rather than the United States.
Mr. Purdy
nevertheless had his moment. In the late 1950s and early ’60s, his stories
appeared in top-shelf journals like Partisan Review, Commentary, Esquire and
The New Yorker. His publisher, Farrar, Straus & Cudahy, was already
becoming synonymous with high-quality fiction. His first full-length novel,
“Malcolm,” published in 1959, was later adapted by Edward Albee for the
Broadway stage. He was a rising star.
Success proved
elusive, though, and Mr. Purdy did little to advance his cause. “Cabot Wright
Begins,” a scathing take on New York’s literary culture, included a merciless
sendup of Orville Prescott, a book critic for The Times. “Eustace Chisholm and
the Works,” about the doomed relationship between a repressed gay man and one
of the innocent Billy Budd figures that turn up frequently in Mr. Purdy’s
fiction, failed to find an audience. Its graphic description of an abortion,
and its horrific, sadomasochistic resolution, made it a difficult read.
Publishers
dropped Mr. Purdy. He could not find an agent. “Given his personality as an
artist, it was inevitable that he would be isolated from the literary
mainstream,” said David Means, a short-story writer who sought out Mr. Purdy in
the ’80s. “When you write a long, strange book, and call it ‘The House of the
Solitary Maggot,’ you can’t shoot for the stars.”
By the late
’70s, Mr. Purdy had settled into the role of the prince in exile from a
literary kingdom he held in contempt. It was in this period that Fran Lebowitz
met him, at his invitation, for a cup of coffee on Hudson Street.
“It was
summertime, and he was wearing a seersucker suit,” she recalled. “He was very
old-fashioned in his manner, very courtly, very proper in his dress. It was
very apparent to me that he had no money.”
The two became
friends. From time to time, Ms. Lebowitz arranged readings for him. “He had so
much unpublished work, and this was the only way to hear it,” she said. “But he
was a terrible reader. He did not make any concessions to the fact that people
wanted to hear. He did not make any concessions, period. That, to me — in
addition to the carrying of grudges — is the definition of character.”
Small awards
and grants came his way, along with the occasional accolade, like the lifetime
achievement award that The Antioch Review, with whom he had a long history,
gave him in 2001.
The ceremony
was bittersweet, and emblematic of Mr. Purdy’s predicament. “I met him at the
National Arts Club,” said Robert S. Fogarty, the editor of the review. “He was
lamenting the fact that he couldn’t get a publisher in the United States.”
James Purdy, a
Fabulist Haunting the Fringes. By
William Grimes. The New York Times,
August 26,
2013
An
Interview : James Purdy
Interview
by Bradford Morrow
The
following interview with novelist and playwright James Purdy was conducted in
two sessions, the first in the middle of the night drinking cappuccinos in a
small Seventh Avenue coffee shop, the second in the middle of the day eating
sole and deep-fried okra in a restaurant situated in the shadows of the
Brooklyn Bridge.
BRADFORD
MORROW: When you began writing, what authors did you read and who had an
influence on you?
JAMES
PURDY: Unamuno had some influence: only putting into the work what is
absolutely essential. Also Hemingway, at least technically, again because he
leaves out so much. Sherwood Anderson. I always felt a close affinity with
Whitman and Melville, though people tell me it’s not possible. Especially
Melville, the tensions between men in isolation and the megalomania, the
megalomania in Pierre and Moby Dick, Billy Buddand The Confidence Man. It is
something I immediately recognized as significant. And even James Fenimore
Cooper. I knew it was a world which I belonged to.
MORROW:
What was Sherwood Anderson’s influence?
PURDY:
The isolation in his work, the small-town vernacular. When Marianne Moore said
I was a master of the American vernacular it was very nice because even then I
was working in the dark, I didn’t know what I was. Anderson wrote a wonderful
story called “The Man Who Became a Woman”: one of the most amazing stories ever
written. I don’t know whether he knew how startling it is. It’s about a young
boy who is a groom in the stables, he takes care of horses. The story is really
a problem of crisis of sexual identification, to use a pretentious
psychological phrase. Suddenly, working around these awful, rough men, and
being just a young boy who simply loved to curry the horses, suddenly one night
he wanders into a saloon and he looks into the mirror and instead of seeing
himself he sees a young woman. Horrified, he runs back to the stables. There
these Negro laborers try to rape him and he runs away. He becomes a man again,
but there is no real closing to the story: Anderson shows such deep insight
into the terror of adolescence in this story.
MORROW:
It sounds to me like a James Purdy story.
PURDY:
Yes, it does! It’s the only story by Anderson where I think he really plumbed
the depths.
MORROW:
Did you read that when you were a youngster, or later?
PURDY:
Oh, I didn’t understand it when I read it, but I knew it was great.
MORROW:
When did you start reading fiction?
PURDY:
When I was about ten. Another book that influenced me when I was young was
Gogol’s Dead Souls, which is a great book. I think he is so much greater than
Tolstoy or Dostoevsky. Cervantes’s Exemplary Stories, in Spanish Las Novelas
Ejemplares. These also have the outcasts, the young derelicts. “Rinconete and
Cortadillo” is one of the greatest stories ever written. “The Dialogue of the
Dogs” is also a great story—much greater than Don Quixote, which is great. But
these stories are the distilled liquor of his genius.
MORROW:
You just naturally gravitated toward the “outcast” figure since you were a
child? Are you an only child?
PURDY:
No, I have two brothers. I’m the middle child. Lots of uncles, cousins, aunts,
a whole clan.
MORROW:
Where did you put your hands on the books as a child?
PURDY:
My father left a big library. He read.
MORROW:
Any writers in the Purdy ancestry?
PURDY:
They’re all farmers!
MORROW:
The question I am circling is: How and when did you know you wanted to become a
writer, a novelist?
PURDY: I
began writing anonymous anomalous letters when I was eight and nine. These
anonymous anomalous letters, as I call them, and which I still write today, are
purportedly unsigned letters which defame the recipient by telling him the
truth about himself. You know, a truth can never be told in public. Anyway, I
remember my mother had this terrible landlady where we rented a house and she
pestered my mother about little things, do this, do that, about the yard. And
so I wrote her this letter … I wrote it about her, I didn’t send it to her. My
mother was horrified by it, because there was so much anger in it.
MORROW:
Why do you write the anonymous anomalous letters? Is it a kind of recreation?
PURDY:
It’s a blowing off of steam. But the novels sort of come out of it, I think.
MORROW:
When you write an anonymous anomalous letter it seems ultimately that you are
the outcast figure rather than any character.
PURDY:
Yes, I guess so, yes. Because there is so much anger in them.
MORROW:
Could it be that you write these anonymous letters, in which you yourself are
the outcast figure, and then you work toward decentralizing that outcast figure
by creating a fictional ball around it?
PURDY:
Yes, I suppose so. I’ve known a lot of outcasts. And so I would write these
letters and my older brother loved them, because he was wicked!
MORROW:
I notice you’ve left Henry James out of your list of early influences.
PURDY: I
was once quite fascinated by him and now I can’t read him. He annoys me no end.
I don’t think he knew anything about people. He reminds me of that old story
about the three men who were asked to describe an elephant and each one had a
completely different and erroneous description—one thought it looked like a
snake, the others thought it was something else. I think the reason he remains
so fascinating is because he was so confused by life. He is the only “great”
writer who doesn’t seem to have had any real, direct life experience. It’s all
what he heard, or what someone told him. It’s amazing the energy, and the
number of books he wrote, an amazing body of work. And yet I almost always come
away from his work bitterly disappointed. It’s a matter of temperament: I don’t
really care about his people, and I don’t really care therefore about him.
MORROW:
One very obvious difference between your work and James’s is that in his
dialogues, especially in the late novels, all of the characters seem to speak
in James’s voice, whereas I can never hear your own voice in your characters’
mouths.
PURDY:
Oh, really. That’s interesting. Proust is a little that way, like James,
everything is Proust’s voice.
MORROW:
What about Thomas Hardy?
PURDY: I
love him. I adore his poetry, he is a great poet. Much better than someone like
T. S. Eliot: I can’t stand him.
MORROW:
I believe I see a pattern emerging here: You don’t like the exiled American who
becomes super-Anglophile.
PURDY: I
can’t bear them. It’s one thing I find unattractive in Hemingway, the fact that
he was an expatriate. I don’t think he got into America enough.
MORROW:
The Nick Adams stories would contradict that.
PURDY:
“The Killers” is a great story. But I don’t think he ever did much after those.
MORROW:
Is there any over pattern that you are trying to develop, novel by novel, into
a “body” of work?
PURDY:
No. I think my style’s changing but I don’t pay much attention to it. I know
it’s different but I’m too busy writing the next book. I’m not consciously
trying to develop a body of work: I’m so lucky if I can make another book, get
through another book. They are hard to make. No matter how many times you dive
from an eighty-five-foot height I think you’re scared each time.
MORROW:
You’re afraid when you start a book?
PURDY:
I’m scared all the time. This book, On Glory’s Course, I thought I’d never
finish. It is about as long as Mourners Below. It’s like being put on a
different animal to ride each time. Part of the difficulty in it all is that
everything is dictated by the characters: They sort of appear, they come to
visit you, they say, “Here I am.”
MORROW:
Do you consider your work comic or tragic?
PURDY:
In the middle.
MORROW:
Do you dream about your characters?
PURDY:
Well, I’m ashamed to say I don’t remember any of my dreams. I probably do, but
don’t remember them. Maybe because I’m dreaming all day.
MORROW:
What is your best book?
PURDY: I
sometimes think it is The House of the Solitary Maggot. I sort of wrote that
asleep: It all just came out of me: I don’t know where it came from. William
Carlos Williams admired the stories in Color of Darkness and he was a great
admirer of The Nephew. That was his world he said, The Nephew. But you know he
was very ill at that time, he died shortly after The Nephew was written. He and
Marianne Moore were friends of mine, she was a little bothered by my subject
matter but she loved those stories.
MORROW:
I’ve always been amazed that Edith Sitwell managed to see through the subject
matter and get to the form.
PURDY:
Absolutely. It sounds boastful but it showed real insight in her as a critic.
You know she defended the use of the word “motherfucker” in print, she said it
had to be in there. All these little sissy men were crying and carrying on.
MORROW:
How did you get in touch with Sitwell?
PURDY: I
simply sent a copy of Don’t Call Me by my Right Name to her at the Castello Montilgafani,
and I thought, “She’ll never get it, and if she gets it she’ll never read it.”
But she really went wild over them, and when I sent her 63: Dream Palace she
said that it had to be properly published.
MORROW:
She was the person who put it into Victor Gollancz’s hands?
PURDY:
Yes. Then he infuriated her by taking those words out. It’s bowdlerized, that
edition. She was indignant about it.
MORROW:
How does a Purdy novel develop? You begin by writing anonymous anomalous
letters, then ideas begin forming themselves into larger schemes, then
characters begin making visitations, etc.?
PURDY: I
don’t know when I’ve started a book. For example, On Glory’s Course. I knew the
heroine of the book largely through my mother. I only remember her because she was
always talking about her. I was thinking this would make a wonderful story but
it was too far away from me, too removed from my actual memory. But it just
started and I couldn’t stop: I resisted it all the way through, the last fifty
pages I thought I’d never see through. There were these young veterans from
World War I who were horribly disfigured, and they had plates in their legs and
plates in their heads. These veterans appear in the story.
MORROW:
These disfigured vets have appeared before!
PURDY:
Yes! I used to see them in my hometown, I’d see them on my way to school. They
were in their early thirties, and they’ve stayed with me.
MORROW:
How much do you write at a sitting?
PURDY:
This may sound a little pretentious, but the books are so intense that if I
write three or four pages it’s just like I’ve been running for an hour in the
blazing sun. I’m just a wreck. I have to either take a walk, or lie down.
Sometimes I’ll write at two sittings in a day. But I can always write anonymous
letters, even if I’m fagged. Those are like taking dope. I used to write
terrible letters to publishers and send them but I’ve learned not to do that: I
write them, but I don’t send them now! I write three or four pages in a day.
I’ve written as many as twenty pages in a day, but at that intensity twenty
pages kills you, something bursts inside of you. Usually I revise at a later
date; when I get up I usually keep going rather than revise what I’ve already
written. It’s like mountain climbing: You had better keep going. Sometimes I
reread, sometimes not. Sometimes I’m afraid to reread it for fear I’ll look
down and fall. You see, you’ve got to maintain a speed, you’ve got to keep
telling what you know. There’s part of you that says, “This is so much shit,
stop, it’s no good, who cares about it.” But you can’t believe that. You have
to be crazy and believe.
MORROW:
Lack of a certain kind of apperception is an important element in creating a
novel?
PURDY:
Yes, you’re too dumb to know better. You have to keep going. Malcolm Cowley
once wrote me that it is true I am a genius, but I’m a primitive genius. I was
astonished anyone called me a genius in the first place, whatever that is. But
he said I don’t know how to write.
MORROW:
I noticed in your room in Brooklyn that your library has no contemporary
fiction in it.
PURDY:
Yes, just Loeb Library. All Greeks, dead Greeks! I get the sap for my work out
of those books. I was reading Diodorus Siculus the other day and he said, “It’s
very hard to travel beyond the north wind, but if you do go beyond the north
wind you can pick up an arrow and it will fly back to where you started.” Like
a witch on a broomstick, say. And I thought, Isn’t that horrible, to go back to
beyond where the north wind blows. Those people are called the Hyperboreans.
MORROW:
Sounds like Einsteinian curved space.
PURDY:
That stayed with me for a week.
MORROW:
What was the last book of contemporary fiction that you read and admired?
PURDY:
William Gaddis’s The Recognitions. I can see how William Gaddis is said to like
my work, because we both come from that sort of puritanic small town in
America. I like some of Paul Bowles’s work, and some of Tennessee Williams’s
stories. Also, Alejo Carpentier’s El reino de este mundo and Peter Feibleman’s
A Place Without Twilight.
MORROW:
What is your opinion, in retrospect, of your novel Malcolm?
PURDY: I
think in a way it’s my best book, one of my best. It’s like a big firecracker
that keeps going off. It’s quite outrageous and I’m sorry to say that some
academics now say, well, that’s just his first book, he ought to just forget
it: I think that’s a mistake, because they’re not reading it correctly.
MORROW:
What about Cabot Wright Begins?
PURDY:
That used to be my least favorite book. I think it’s somewhat like Malcolm in
that it is an outrageous work. I based it on real characters, except Cabot
himself. This crazy ex-convict I knew was always going to write a book about a
rapist and all he talked about was this man, this rapist. I got so sick of
hearing about it, and I knew he’d never write it because he’s not a writer, so
I wrote it for him!
MORROW:
Which of your stories would you include in a selected stories of James Purdy?
PURDY:
“Some of These Days,” “Eventide,” “You Reach for Your Hat,” “Cutting Edge,”
“Man and Wife,” “Sleep Tight.”
MORROW:
“Daddy Wolf”?
PURDY:
Yes. And “Goodnight, Sweetheart.” “Summer Tidings” too.
MORROW:
We’ve talked before about how America tends to exile its greatest writers.
You’re essentially in a state of self-exile, exile, at least, from the
so-called establishment.
PURDY:
Yes. Because they want Longfellow. They want lies. The publishers do.
MORROW:
The country is conservative?
PURDY: I
don’t think the country is conservative. I think it’s wild. I’m talking about
business. I’m talking about business. You see, very ordinary people can read my
books, but they’re never told to read them, they’re told not to read them.
Anybody could read Mourners Below. Public relations men need labels to sell
things, but they could never label me because every one of my books is
different.
MORROW:
Tell me about your new novel, On Glory’s Course.
PURDY:
It takes place almost eighty years ago, some of it a hundred years ago. It’s
about a woman who in 1897 had an illegitimate child, and she came of a wealthy
family. Her life was ruined by it. They took the baby away from her. The book
begins when she is forty-eight years old, and this young boy who is sort of her
adopted errand boy gets this girl in trouble. And suddenly his baby, and this
similar predicament, digs up her past life, which she thought she had kept a
secret. Actually everybody knew about it all along. It’s based on a true story.
I’ve always wanted to write it but I thought it was too difficult. Finally I
just started it. Everything about it is difficult.
MORROW:
How did you research it?
PURDY: I
read a lot of books about the period, a lot of novels, too, like Poor White and
Heaven’s My Destination. But in the end they didn’t help much. The story was
told to me by my grandmother.
MORROW:
In your dialogues in the novel do you use period terminologies?
PURDY:
Well, sort of. But it’s not a “period” book, it could happen now.
MORROW:
When did you write your first story? Not the anonymous anomalous letters, but
an actual story?
PURDY: I
wrote a lot of stories when I was very young. They’re all lost. I used to
publish this little magazine on a duplicator. It had my stories in it.The
Niocene. I got out five or six issues! They’re all lost now, I imagine. I was
eleven or twelve. I wrote everything in it, but it was mostly imaginary. I
printed it on a duplicator, an old one that you used with jelly. It was very
messy. I ran off several copies and bound them myself with fasteners. I guess
those were my first published stories. I’d run off ten and give them to my
family and friends. I sold some, too!
MORROW:
Instead of lemonade.
PURDY:
Yes! I forget how much I charged.
MORROW:
There is a deep compulsion to write, in order to be read.
PURDY:
Yes, but I don’t think it’s so much to be read as to be heard, to communicate.
My idea now is that there is really no communication in the media at all. That
you’re not reaching your audience. People are listening, but nothing is being
communicated. Their attention is simply being taken up. But nothing is being
told them. It’s noncommunication on a mass scale. It’s like the music in this
restaurant. It’s noise: it’s not communicating, musically. It’s not saying
anything to the psyche. That is what the television is all about. Nothing is
being said. There are these words. And there are these people speaking these
words. But they’re not actually reaching their audience. It’s noncommunication
communication.
MORROW:
This ties into the earlier statement about the desire to hear lies, perhaps.
Tell me more about your childhood.
PURDY: I
grew up in the country. My family is Scotch-Irish. The family were mostly
farmers, but my father didn’t like being a farmer. He became a businessman, so
he got to work in the bank, in real estate, things like that. But they all
remained sort of rural. I had two brothers, actually I had three brothers, but
one died before I was born.
MORROW:
Besides publishing your stories in The Niocene, did you ever publish in school
magazines as you were growing up?
PURDY:
No. I don’t think they liked what I wrote in school. It was a preview of what
the critics were going to say. The stories bothered my teachers, until I got
into high school, where I had a good teacher. She read my writing and thought
it was remarkable. The only advice she gave me was to keep writing. She said I
would be a writer.
MORROW:
What did you do after you finished high school?
PURDY: I
went to Chicago. Then I got into the army. I was a most unlikely soldier. I was
going to be drafted, so I just joined up. That was in 1941. But there were a
lot of people that didn’t belong in the army. I didn’t have to go into combat,
for some reason. I was based at Scott Field, which is in Belleville, Illinois.
MORROW:
Did you manage to write still, while you were in the army?
PURDY:
No, that stopped it all. I suppose I wrote a few little things, but I was
frustrated. But I was learning a lot.
MORROW:
What did you do after you got out of the army?
PURDY: I
did interpreting for a while, and then I got a job in Cuba. I learned Spanish
in the army. I taught school in Havana for a year, and that was quite
interesting. The government got me that job, it was sort of a teachers’ agency,
except it was the U.S. government. It was a school for Cubans and Americans,
and I taught English literature more or less. We had trouble getting books, so
they had to read a lot of books that weren’t first-rate. I could have stayed on
longer, but I didn’t want to.
MORROW:
Did you start writing again when you were in Cuba?
PURDY:
Yes. I had one story published then, in The Prairie Schooner. That was a big
event. They took my story “You Reach for Your Hat.” That was my first published
story. After I left Cuba, I came back to Wisconsin, where I taught for several
years at Lawrence College. I taught English and Spanish. Then I just gave it
all up. I had jobs all around the country. Those were terrible years. I want to
tell you, I wouldn’t want the name of the magazine used, though it ought to be,
I think it was between 1948 and 1951, I sent “Eventide” to a magazine. Now
“Eventide” has since become a classic. This magazine accepted the story for
publication and after three years returned it to me stating that they decided
not to publish it. I don’t think editors know what that does to a young writer.
It is so devastating. Then when I was made rather famous when Color of Darkness
was praised by all these critics and writers, the editor of that magazine had
the nerve to write me a letter of congratulations. I never replied, of course.
What was I to do? But anyway, I wrote a lot in Wisconsin, I finished Color of
Darkness there. But it was impossible to get those stories published. I would
send them out and they were rejected one by one by one. I got vicious comments.
Editors said to me, “These stories are sick.” You know, when you’re that young
you are just starving for encouragement. I was destroyed by it, but I didn’t
seem to be able to stop. I don’t trust evaluations. I don’t care who it is.
It’s hard to forgive people: To tell a writer he has no talent is a form of murder.
Why don’t you go out and shoot yourself? That’s what it means.
MORROW:
What magazines began accepting your stories?
PURDY:
Black Mountain Review, which Robert Creeley edited. He took a story, and it was
a godsend, because I couldn’t get anything published. And when he took “Sound
of Talking” that was a big moment for me. Then there was nothing. Then there
was a man in Chicago, Osborn Andreas, who felt that the stories had to be
published, so he privately published Don’t Call Me by my Right Name. And those
stories were kind of a bombshell, they shocked everyone.
MORROW:
What did your family think?
PURDY:
Well, they didn’t shock them. 63: Dream Palace shocked them, but not as much as
it shocked the critics. Had this man never published those two books I would
have been unheard of forever. I couldn’t have gone on because of all the
rejections. I probably would have written, but it all would have been left in
bureau drawers.
MORROW:
All these novels would be in drawers?
PURDY: I
probably would have died. I think the New York literary establishment is
totally closed to anything new. When you think of the slick magazines and what
they publish, and when you think of the editors and what they want! What they
want is recycled cellophane. They want recycled recycled. Sawdust. Those are
formula stories they take. They’re utterly dead. They don’t even have water in
them. They’re utterly recycled sawdust. The stories are meant to go along with
the ads for Tiffany’s, the Plaza Hotel, Cartier’s, Alfred Dunhill. There should
be nothing really human about the stories. It’s all about clothes and fashion.
MORROW:
Most New York-based slick magazines are simply vehicles for advertisements and
are meant to generate capital. They mask this behind the guise of self-help,
fashion, cuisine. But it’s all a showcase for the ads.
PURDY:
It’s all for the money. Everything in the United States is money.
MORROW:
Perhaps this is part of the reason some of your best writers are exiles, in
Brooklyn, or Tangier, or whatever. So you would have stopped writing and
sending material out?
PURDY: I
would have died. What else could I have done? I hate teaching. I like being
with the students, and talking with them. But I hate teaching, I don’t
communicate that way. It’s not my form of communication.
MORROW:
How did you leave stories, as a literary form, and begin writing your first
novel, Malcolm?
PURDY: I
just started writing. I wrote Malcolm for a friend, really. He gave me a place
to live in the country, in Pennsylvania, near Quakertown. His name is Jorma
Jules Sjoblom, he’s Swedish and Finnish. He would read it when he came home
from work. I wrote Malcolm in a few months, but, see, I didn’t think anybody
was ever going to publish it. But when I did get a publisher I spent quite a
few months going over it. It didn’t have an ending, so I had to write an
ending.
MORROW:
I notice that you write purposely to be read. Malcolm was written during the
day as a gift to someone who came home from work in the evening to read it.
PURDY:
It’s true. This is how I communicate. This is how I stay alive. That’s what I
mean about television. It doesn’t communicate. It’s sad how people sit in front
of that box instead of touching other people, like your family, and saying, “I
did this. What did you do today?” or “What are you wearing, what is that
fabric?” You see, this is communication, that other is death. They’re being
used as a mechanical receptor, they’re as dead as the television itself.
MORROW:
What makes reading an act of communication where watching the television is
noncommunication?
PURDY:
If it is an important book, it is another human being talking to you, even
though it’s on the written page. Television is something thought up out of a
formula not to communicate with another human being, but to manipulate him. To
get money out of him because there will be ads. When Whitman wrote Leaves of
Grass he wanted to communicate with anyone who would want to understand: He
didn’t want to manipulate that person, or get money out of him, he wanted to
touch that person. Television is manipulative noncommunication. Nearly
everything in our society follows that principle, though. Movies, medicine.
There is no communication between doctor and patient, by and large. It’s just
to extract money out of them, and giving them a formula which probably doesn’t
fit them. So I think the whole society will crash because of this lack of
communication. Everything that we do in America is non‚communicative. We lie to
get power over people, and to get money. People are manipulated into thinking
they want to manipulate! It’s the only thing we believe in, money. We think it
would be nice to be rich, because then we wouldn’t have to suffer certain
things. Then you spend your life protecting your eggs. It’s a nightmare. When
you are reading a book, you are actually talking with another person, whether
you know it or not. I can’t just look at you, and let you talk, and not give
you anything. But you can do this to a screen: That’s why it is
noncommunication: You cannot give the screen anything, because it’s dead. In
Aristophanes’ and Shakespeare’s theaters the players and the audience were one,
they weren’t separate: They were communicating with one another. Shakespearean
audiences screamed at the actors, threatened them, cheered them. I was brought
up not on the theater, because we had no theater, but on the movies. And this
has harmed us, because the actors can’t see us. We can see the screen, but it
can’t see us. This is the beginning of the noncommunicativeness of our culture.
MORROW:
It’s funny that you have to sit in a darkened room to watch television or the
movies, but you have to sit in a lightened room to read a book.
PURDY:
True. Also, when you read a book you know that one person wrote that book for
you, for you. Nobody wrote these television shows, they were compiled by
machines, they were tested. And they are considered complete failures unless
ninety-eight million people see them. And they don’t even exist! Walt Whitman
wrote Leaves of Grass for maybe ten people, but those ten people were
communicated with, while the ninety-eight million are not. The reader has to
react to the text or it will not come into existence for him, where the
television will go on whether you are there or not. Television is eternal, it’s
eternal noise. It has no beginning, middle, or end, like a book: it is just …
it!
MORROW:
When someone reads a book the visual imagery that is formed in his head is an
imagery that comes from his own personal past, whereas the television screen
provides all ninety-eight million people with a single image that doesn’t
relate to anyone’s past except for the cameramen and actors.
PURDY:
It doesn’t relate to anything at all.
MORROW:
So when I read about some fellow named Daddy Wolf, and I am given no physical
description of what a Daddy Wolf looks like, or what he is finally up to, the
communicative part I play as a reader comes in the formulation of an imagery in
my mind: In the process of reading, my intellect and imagination are sparked
into participation: There is room for movement because James Purdy has
constructed a landscape for me to bump around in.
PURDY:
What is a Daddy Wolf and why is it called Daddy Wolf? You see, you are being
opened up, if you are really “conversing” with the book. Even if you are talking
about trivial things. You are having a reciprocal human experience.
Communication is life. We are only human as long as we have communication with
other human beings. If man lived totally alone, he wouldn’t be human. I don’t
know what he would be: He’d be something else. This is the whole reason for
art, and for life. Only by being next to other people are we human. And in our
culture this happens less and less and less and less. That’s why we have all
kinds of strange behavioral anomalies.
MORROW:
And yet you refuse to exile yourself from America, even though you recognize
the horror that defines our culture.
PURDY: I
couldn’t leave. I used to get very upset when I lived in Spain because I was
communicating with Spaniards, but it was in a language that was not my own. I
started getting ill because of it. I couldn’t live elsewhere. Brooklyn is not
the kind of English I know either, it is a very bad English.
MORROW:
How did you end up living in Brooklyn?
PURDY: I
really don’t know why I’m here. I really didn’t have much choice. I moved here
because I was desperate to find a room. I moved here from Pennsylvania in 1962.
You might think that I chose Brooklyn; I didn’t. I fell here, from a plane. I’m
stuck here. I don’t have any freedom of movement, unless I become a vagabond,
because I don’t have any money. You can’t plan your life if the job you are
doing doesn’t pay. People say you can do this, you can do that, but all I can
do is live by the day. People think I’m a writer. I’m not a writer. I write
books, but I’m not a writer. I’m not supported by the profession.
MORROW:
Do you think that will change?
PURDY: I
doubt it. It’ll probably get worse. I don’t know, I don’t even care. I used to
think that one day my books would sell, but I don’t think they ever will.
MORROW:
It’s not impossible that a year after you die everyone will say, “That’s the
man, James Purdy, what a great writer.”
PURDY:
Oh, sure. That happens in America. They’re glad you’re dead.
MORROW:
The more “slick” the death, the more apt one is to gain a twenty-five-year
reputation among those in academe as one of the greats.
PURDY:
It happened to Dylan Thomas. Nathanael West. It will happen again.
MORROW:
Are you a compulsory writer?
PURDY:
No, it’s not compulsory. I guess it’s just inevitable that I keep on writing
books. After I finish a novel I sort of rest by writing a story, or plays. But
I don’t make any plans; those are made for me by my subconscious.
MORROW:
Are you conscious of any style in your writing?
PURDY:
Not in those terms. I know this, and this is all I know. It has to fit right:
every sentence: It has to just be … right.
MORROW:
You build by sentences?
PURDY:
Sometimes. More often by little paragraphs. But I think I am a dramatic writer
in that it’s what people say that is what I write, why I write. It’s people
speaking, it’s not a writer explaining something. I don’t explain much. I think
it’s all in what is either said, or not said. But I am very fussy about the
sentences being just the way I want them, and the fact that many of my
characters use, as Marianne Moore called it, the vernacular, makes certain
pseudo-highbrow critics wring their hands. They think I’m an ignoramus. I don’t
like that word “style,” because it smacks of the academies, but I do have
style. But it’s not style in the sense that one would apply to Henry James,
where he talks through five thousand sheets. He never gets to the characters
because he, Henry James, talk talk talks. Everything is talked about, nothing
shown. Which is a great achievement, I guess, but doesn’t work for me.
Tennessee Williams once told me “That’s mahtee fahn dahlog.” It also has to do
with communicating. Style shouldn’t be thrown up between the writer and reader.
It destroys the communication. Noncommunicative communication destroys
attention, destroys the family.
MORROW:
This noncommunication you’ve discussed sounds very Machiavellian to me, in the
sense that it makes the populace easier to be ruled.
PURDY:
True, by monsters. It is Machiavellian. But instead of making people fascists,
or cannibals, or criminals, it turns them into zombies, which is worse. Because
to be made into a member of some terrible political party, or a cannibal, is
still sort of human. But to be turned into nothing is awful. Evil is better
than nothingness, because it’s human. Evil is horrid, but it’s still human. To
be a zombie is the bottom. You’re another television set looking at a
television set. You go out into the world and no one knows you, you can be
ruled because you’re programmed. Everything is stamped, put on the shelf,
described, thrown out into the garbage. It’s a political process, and behind
that an economic process. But to be nothing, that is the worst of all possible
things.
Conjuctions 3, Fall 1982
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