A thief and her three accomplices forced their way into the library of a country house, where a rich, elderly couple were listening to music on the gramophone. Waving their assault rifles, they screamed at Lord and Lady Beit to lie face down on the floor. The leader, who spoke with a strong French accent, instructed her accomplices to start with the Goya above the mantelpiece, a portrait of a beautiful young actress looking out from beneath slightly worried brows. Then Frans Hals’s The Lute Player was lifted off the wall, and on through the house, the woman with the conspicuous French accent pointing out the paintings she wanted: zis one and zat one and zis one.
by Sean O’Driscoll. Sandycove, 368 pp., £18.99, June, 978 1 84488 555 8.
The Woman Who Stole Vermeer: The True Story of Rose Dugdale and the Russborough House Art Heist. By Anthony M. Amore. Pegasus, 272 pp., £12.99, February, 978 1 64313 529 8
You can only talk for so long. By Rosa Lyster. London Review of Books, October 20, 2022.
Amore is running as a Republican, though he is a relatively moderate one rather than a far-right, Trump-affiliated candidate. He has been endorsed by the state’s Republican governor, Charlie Baker, ahead of the 8 November election, in which he faces Democratic candidate Diana DiZoglio, who currently serves as a state senator representing an area north of Boston along the Massachusetts border with New Hampshire.
“As an independent and experienced watchdog, Anthony will be able to keep the checks and balances on Beacon Hill,” governor Baker said in his endorsement of Amore, referring to the Boston neighbourhood where the state capitol is located.
In Amore’s view, the auditor role would make him the state’s “chief accountability officer”, he told Boston Globe columnist Joan Vennochi. “You make government accountable to the people,” he added. “You do these investigations and make them public.”
The investigation into the Gardner heist, a brazen theft carried out by two men in the early morning hours after St. Patrick’s Day 1990, has notably lacked public transparency. Even now, years after the statute of limitations for prosecuting the theft expired, and with a $10m reward on the table, the 13 stolen artefacts’ whereabouts remain a mystery. In 2013 investigators from the FBI said they had identified the thieves, but the information was never made public.
“We believe we know who stole the paintings,” Amore told Vennochi, but hewed to the party line, refusing to say more about the thieves. “If we put out the names of people we think did it, it would lead to bad leads. [...] There are enormous amounts of people who have spoken to us in confidence. We can’t put names out there. We can’t betray people’s trust in that matter.”
Investigations into the Gardner heist for years revolved around figures in the Boston organised crime world. Some evidence suggested the artworks—collectively valued at around $500m—may have been stolen to serve as bargaining chips to negotiate the release of imprisoned mobsters. FBI investigators for years pursued one mob-affiliated figure in particular, Robert “The Cook” Gentile, who they believed knew the artworks’ whereabouts and had at one point been in possession of some or all of them. But Gentile maintained he knew nothing about the Gardner works up until his death last year.
Amore, meanwhile, in addition to his work at the Gardner has also as a senior agent in the Department of Homeland Security and is a licensed private investigator. He is also a published author, having written or co-written three books about art crime. His most recent, The Woman Who Stole Vermeer (2020, Pegasus Crime), tells the story of Rose Dugdale, a leader of the 1974 heist of works by Goya, Vermeer, Gainsborough and others from Russborough House in Ireland. Amore said the story of that heist, and the recovery of the stolen works shortly after Dugale’s caper, gave him hope that—more than 30 years later—the Gardner works might still be returned.
“Masterpieces, these highly recognizable sorts of works, are just like the paintings that were stolen from the Gardner there. Those types of paintings have a much higher recovery rate than others,” Amore told WBUR last year. “So these are the types of things that we use to motivate us, myself and the FBI in our continued hunt for the Gardner art.”
If Amore prevails on 8 November, a new head of security will have to take up the task of hunting for the Gardner Museum’s stolen art.
The Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum’s head of security is running for statewide office in Massachusetts. By Benjamin Sutton. The Art Newspaper, October 7. 2022.
Rose Dugdale’s life certainly has been, as the subtitle of a superb new biography suggests, "extraordinary". In fact, extraordinary seems like an understatement – if you were unwise enough to present her story as fiction, it would be dismissed as unbelievable. But thanks to author Sean O’Driscoll’s painstaking research, we know that the tale is indeed true.
Extraordinary, for sure.
Rose Dugdale was born into a wealthy but extremely strict family, where she and her sister had to curtsey to guests, where friends described the house as "regimented" and "like being in the army".
Was it this rather odd background which turned her into a rebel? Perhaps, though as the author points out, her sister Caroline had the same upbringing, and ended up marrying a Tory MP and remained a Conservative all her life.
In any event, Rose Dugdale was reluctant to conform from an early age, only agreeing to be "presented" to the Queen as a debutant if she was also allowed to sit the Oxford entrance exam.
She had a colourful time at Oxford, having an affair with a woman lecturer, and disguising herself as a man to take part in a debate in the male-only Oxford Union (hastening the end of that ludicrous gender bar).
She worked on development economics for the UN and for the British government, but was increasingly drawn to radicalism. In 1971, aged 30, she had a considerable fortune thanks to the family trust, worth well over £1 million today. She decided to give it away, opening an office in Tottenham where she disbursed money to the needy.
She also became interested in the unfolding situation in Northern Ireland, becoming more militant after Bloody Sunday. She and her boyfriend, a former British soldier, used her Lotus sports car to ferry weapons for the IRA across the Irish Sea.
To raise funds for the IRA, she led a burglary of her family estate in Devon, robbing art works worth around £1 million today (it was all later recovered; her boyfriend was jailed for six years, she was given a two-year suspended sentence).
She then hooked up with maverick Republican Eddie Gallagher, and together they embarked on a number of high-profile operations.
When the author asked Dugdale what was the happiest day of her life, she nominated the day she bombed Strabane. "Yes. It was the first time I felt like I was really at the centre of things, that I was really doing as I said I would do. It was what you might call an electric feeling". This in reference to an escapade in which Dugdale helped kidnap a helicopter pilot at gunpoint, before dropping milk churn bombs on the British Army barracks in Strabane. The operation was a fiasco – the bombers nearly blew themselves up, failed to cause any damage to the barracks, and endangered the lives of the many civilians who gathered to watch the show. But what does that matter compared to making Dugdale feel that she was at the centre of things?
She also played a key role in the robbery of Russborough House. Sir Alfred Beit, the owner, noted that she had a good eye for art, as she identified which paintings they should take. As she was posing as a French woman, she did this in a fake French action: "Zis one, and zis one. Non! Not zat one". This adds a surreal comic touch, but the robbery involved the threat of violence against the Beits and their staff, and Dugdale appeared to be serious about burning the paintings if their demands were not met (her partner in crime, Eddie Gallagher, claims that he was against it).
Jailed for her part in the robbery, Dugdale concealed the fact that she was pregnant, which was only discovered when she went into labour. Prison officers decided there was no time to properly secure the maternity hospital, so she gave birth in her cell. She later married Gallagher, mainly to avoid being deported to Britain, where she was still wanted for the Strabane bombing.
By this time, of course, Gallagher was also in prison, having been jailed for the kidnap of Dutch industrialist Dr Tiede Herrema. Dugdale’s release was one of the kidnappers’ demands; if she wasn’t freed, they threatened to kill Herrema. Dugdale was asked to intervene to save the innocent Herrema’s life; she declined. "I didn’t think it was my place to tell them to stop the kidnapping."
This demonstrates Dugdale’s ruthless streak, which was much in evidence while she was in prison. At one point she threw a basin of boiling order over a female garda sergeant, causing severe burns.
On her release from prison, she became involved in agitation against drug dealers in Dublin’s inner city, through Concerned Parents Against Drugs. She advocated using extreme measures, such as punishment shootings, but the IRA declined to introduce such methods to the south.
When she discovered her son was dealing ecstasy, she (wrongly) blamed his then girlfriend; her solution was to drive her car at the girlfriend, almost hitting her. She later told him a story about an Italian woman, who disapproved of her own son dealing drugs – and murdered him. Eddie Gallagher, who heard this story – or threat – was sufficiently concerned to warn her against harming their son.
She later became involved with IRA bomb-maker Jim Monahan, and some of the most interesting passages in this book concern their joint efforts at weapons development, including the so-called 'biscuit launcher’, a shoulder fired missile launcher which used two packets of digestive biscuits to absorb the recoil.
The IRA faced a crisis in 1991 when a bunker flooded, destroying their stores of Libyan detonating cord, threatening to bring their bombing campaign to a halt. It was Dugdale who came up with the solution, extracting the explosive material in Semtex to use in detonating cord. The idea worked, allowing the spectacular attack on the Baltic Exchange in the City of London. This was a great success for the IRA; not so much for the three innocent people killed in the bomb – Paul Butt, 29, Thomas Casey, 49, and Danielle Carter, 15. The author repeatedly names the victims of such violence, putting a human face on the consequences of the IRA’s actions, and of Dugdale’s contribution to their campaign.
Rose and Jim were valued within the IRA for their bomb-making skills; but their leftist politics were not welcome in Sinn Féin, which pushed them out of the party’s education department. "The message was clear: keep developing weapons, not political thought." They were eventually readmitted, but the Marxism was not.
This is an absorbing, well-researched and extremely well-written account of a life that almost defies belief. Perhaps the last word should be left to the author, Sean O’Driscoll: "The two sides of Rose, the extraordinarily generous and the disturbingly brutal, were evident in my conversations with her. She exuded the energy of someone who was very kind to children, to animals and to the poor, but she showed little empathy for anyone she regarded as being on the wrong side of class politics... In prison, she offered shelter to the most painfully marginalised, yet she had no compunction in disfiguring a police officer by flinging a basin of boiling water into her face. This book presents no prescription or diagnosis, but I hope it offers insights into a complex personality."
David McCullagh on the extraordinary life of Rose Dugdale. By David McCullagh. RTE, October 1, 2022.
RTE, June 21, 2022
Rick
Perlstein once described the end of the 1960s counterculture as “a blaze of
numbskull adventurism and Maoist masquerade” that flickered out by 1970. It
seems no one told Rose Dugdale, the star of Anthony M. Amore’s “The Woman Who
Stole Vermeer,” who in 1974 elevated numbskull Maoist adventurism to an art
form — literally — by making off with the Dutch master’s painting “Lady Writing
a Letter With Her Maid” from Russborough House, the Palladian showcase of Sir
Alfred and Lady Beit just south of Dublin.
Before her political awakening, notoriety and subsequent imprisonment, Dugdale was an upper-class London debutante. Born in March 1941, she was “tucked safely away” at her father’s country estate during the German air raids, “a Blitz baby only by date, not by experience.” Her childhood in East Devon was spent, according to friends and family, in “a farmhouse smartened up to the extent of being ‘ludicrously overdone,’” riding horses, being “jolly smartly dressed” and giggling. Rose was devoted to her “smart, handsome, lean and athletic” father, Colonel Dugdale. Amore — the head of security at Boston’s Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum — relates the likely apocryphal tale of the colonel having his teeth knocked out while playing polo, dismounting, shoving them back into place — where they “stayed put for several more years” — and carrying on.
Rose was educated at Miss Ironside’s in South Kensington — Jane Birkin would be its most famous alumna — with, in her words, “the daughters of aristocracy … learning to curtsy, and worrying not about exams, ‘for Mr. Right was bound to come along eventually.’” Headmistress Virginia Ironside remembered, “Everyone adored this generous, clever and dashing millionaire’s daughter, who was life and laughter.” As Amore notes, “It was high praise from a woman who taught countless young women gifted with Dugdale-like stock.” After graduation, she did the society lady’s grand tour.
She came out in the 1958 season, the last year girls were presented to the queen, owing to the diminishing “class” of participants. (Princess Margaret put it less delicately: “We had to put a stop to it. Every tart in London was getting in.”) Rose found the spectacle “a torture” but submitted so that her parents would allow her to study politics, philosophy and economics at St. Anne’s College, Oxford. “It was the last time,” Amore observes, “she would do anything at her parents’ command for the rest of her life.”
At Oxford, Dugdale was at first “extremely right-wing,” defending the House of Lords and the class system and collecting student clubs. Her rebellions were unimaginative — she wore men’s clothes, smoked incessantly and seldom cleaned her room. Rose’s own recollection is characteristically disarming: “I turned into the most disagreeable kind of intellectual, badly dressed and extremely arrogant.” She took an “unimpressive” third-class degree and went on to Mount Holyoke in Massachusetts for graduate work in philosophy. The novelist Iris Murdoch, who taught her at Oxford, predicted moderate establishment success for Rose, as perhaps “an able administrator or a good university teacher.” Rose had different ideas.
An aborted lectureship at Bedford College, two years in the Ministry of Overseas Development and the revolutionary atmosphere of 1968 combined to transform Rose “from academic to activist.” She railed against the Vietnam War, the iniquities of capitalism and, above all, the English yoke in Ireland. Bloody Sunday — the massacre of 13 Irish Republican protesters in January 1972 — drew Rose to domestic terrorism.
As Amore illustrates with an irresistible blend of wryness and affection, her adopted proletarian role was not always convincing or particularly noble. Rose continued to attend operas and horse races, supported by an allowance from her father. Her conversation was peppered with “old left-wing jargon like something out of an old pamphlet from the Fabians.” And her affair with the socialist Wally Heaton was carried out in plain view of his beleaguered wife and daughters. Whether out of “guilt, restitution or both,” Rose gave Mrs. Heaton 25,000 British pounds during the relationship.
The road to Russborough was paved with misadventure. Amore’s winning detachment is unchanged as Rose evolves from debutante to desperado. She tried to enlist Wally’s cousin-in-law, an associate of East London’s infamous Kray brothers, to orchestrate criminal activities in aid of the I.R.A., but he balked at the prospect of committing treason and turned police informant. In June 1973, Rose and Wally burglarized her family’s estate while they were out at the Epsom Derby, depositing the valuables at the flat of a former tutor. At the open-and-shut trial, she made feeble denials while proclaiming herself “a freedom fighter”; frequently kissed Wally in the dock; and disparaged her put-upon parents as “gangsters, thieves and oppressors of the poor.” Wally was sentenced to six years in prison, while Rose’s two-year suspended sentence was delivered with sexist condescension and what Amore calls “a legendary display of poor character evaluation.” The judge was, to be sure, wildly off the mark: “I think the risk that you will ever again commit burglary or any dishonesty is extremely remote.”
Within the year, Dugdale was dropping bombs on the police station at the Irish town of Strabane. In keeping with the element of farce, the explosives failed to detonate, but still she declared the fiasco “operationally very important and exciting.” A local official enjoyed witnessing his “enemy making a fool of himself.” Undaunted, Dugdale shifted her sights to Russborough House and its famous — and poorly guarded — collection of pictures assembled by the South African diamond magnate Sir Alfred Beit and his brother, Otto.
Alfred’s nephew (and namesake) and his wife were at home on the night of April 26, 1974. Dugdale, her new boyfriend and two accomplices bound, gagged and insulted the Beits (“capitalist pig” was the disappointing extent of it) and swiped 19 important paintings by Gainsborough, Goya, Rubens, Velázquez, Vermeer — to whom fewer than 40 works are fully attributed today — and others from their frames. The estimated £8 million haul was recovered upon Rose’s capture 10 days later.
For her first three days in captivity, Rose refused to confirm her identity or remove her brunette wig. The I.R.A. disavowed the robbery. The ensuing trial concluded with Rose’s solemn, semi-coherent peroration and the jury’s near-immediate verdict. This time, she got nine years in prison.
Amore’s publisher has falsely advertised his droll, engaging book as an “unbelievable” heist story. “Ocean’s 8” (or 11, 12, 13) it’s not, Dugdale is more Fawlty than Ocean. Yet this in no way diminishes the pleasures of “The Woman Who Stole Vermeer.” Rose is terrific company: clever, forthright and flamboyant. (During her incarceration, she wed, gave birth and petitioned for the construction of squash facilities.) She is still alive today — though she did not grant Amore an interview — and is now praised by the former Irish republicans. Her Facebook profile photo is the Russborough Vermeer.
And Rose’s legacy? The historian David Farber has suggested that “the ’60s generation of activists saw themselves as acting in history. ‘The Whole World Is Watching’ — they were literally chanting it in the streets. And that’s the irony that’s heated up this debate so much. Because in the end, well, maybe they weren’t the historical agents of change quite as much as they hoped.” One imagines Rose’s unprintable reply.
Dugdale was also a radical, not just politically but criminally. No woman before her or since has ever committed anything resembling the art thefts for which she served as mastermind, leader, and perpetrator. For these and other crimes, she carries no regrets or remorse and offers no alibis. The ethical decisions she made during her life were her own, formed after years of intense study in universities and on the ground, from Cuba to Belfast.
Hers was an age of conflict. The antiwar movement, assassinations and riots in the United States, massive student protests in major cities in Europe, civil wars from Guatemala to Ethiopia, a recent revolution in Cuba, a coup in Portugal, and the Troubles in Northern Ireland— these were the fires burning around the world, and she studied all of them.
Hers was also an era of liberation, in its many manifestations. Liberation theology was emerging in Latin America, a symbiosis of Marxist socioeconomics and Christian thought meant to combat greed and thus, liberate the impoverished from their oppressors. Similarly, the Black Power movement was on the rise, and Kwame Ture (the former Stokely Carmichael) and Charles V. Hamilton had recently published Black Power: The Politics of Liberation, examining systemic racism in the United States and proposing a liberation from the preexisting order in the country. The Black Power movement would capture Dugdale’s attention throughout her life. There was sexual liberation, with free love and changes in age-old gender roles. Dugdale would test these waters, especially in her open relationship with a married man to whom she provided financial support and engaged in a sort of domestic ménage à trois. There was the women’s liberation movement, which had started at around the time of Rose’s own ideological awakening in the late 1960s, and from the rejection of societal expectations as a young aristocrat to challenging dress codes at Oxford to taking the lead in militant operations in a way few women of her day dared, Rose reflected that movement in the most radical ways. And, of course, there was the struggle for the liberation of Northern Ireland from British colonial rule—the struggle that would become more important to Rose Dugdale than any other cause, or person, in her life.
Dugdale was unusually earnest in her revolutionary activism. She had no thirst for power, no visions of grandeur for herself; her visions were only for the audacious goals of a free Ireland and the end of capitalism. She found fulfillment in joining the fight and in participating in a grand fashion. While much of what she did and what she tried to accomplish was ill-advised and unquestionably criminal, her motives were no secret and her justifications clear. They were also formed wholly on her own and were not the result of her having fallen under the spell of some charismatic man, despite such claims from lazy onlookers.
Her unbridled zeal for her causes was the topic of countless contemporaneous journalistic opinions, and they typically lay somewhere on a continuum, with “Reluctant Debutante Rebelling against Her Parents” at one end and “Poor Little Rich Girl Radicalized by Her Boyfriend” at the other. In fact, neither of these is completely accurate. Yes, there are elements of rebellion against her parents’ wealth, and it is indeed correct that her militancy intensified while she was with boyfriend Walter Heaton, but the truth is that her convictions were the result of her own studies, her own mind, and her own soul. Rose Dugdale was her own person—not her parents’, not Heaton’s, and not the IRA’s.
***
A major flaw in prior examinations of Dugdale is that, generally speaking, they have focused on the superficial—on frivolous matters such as her looks, her hair color, her choice in attire, her onetime wealth, the age difference between her and her love interests, her pedigree, and her résumé. A closer examination of the woman reveals that none of these were the things about which she chose to speak. Ask her about her youth hunting on the family estate, and she’d tell you about the utility of learning to use a rifle. Ask her about her being presented before the Queen, and she’d tell you about the money wasted that could have gone elsewhere. Ask her about her role in university sit-ins, and she’d smile and talk of student uprisings around the world at the time. And while you were certainly entitled to disagree, she had no time for argument. In short order, Rose Dugdale had decided that she had studied enough about economics at university, learned enough in Cuba, read enough about the behavior of the British Army on Bloody Sunday, and seen enough during her trips to Derry and Belfast to have any interest in winning you over with reason or debate. She was fighting a war, and she had made the deliberate decision that she was willing to take many risks, and, if necessary, many lives, to bring change to the world she saw around her.
Dugdale was not the only woman to fight on the side of the Irish Republican movement. An entire division, the Cumann na mBan (the Irishwomen’s Council), consisted of women eager to lend paramilitary efforts in support of the men. While most of their work was behind the scenes, there were women fighting on the front lines. In addition to the famous exploits of IRA members Dolours and Marian Price, whose bombings of famous London landmarks and subsequent hunger strikes will be described in detail in these pages, women participated in a number of operations involving extreme violence. In the very same month the Price sisters bombed London, two girls lured three young British soldiers into a house by inviting them to a party. Once inside, the soldiers were killed. Four days later, two other teenage girls were arrested with a 150-pound bomb in a baby carriage. Before the end of 1973 alone, additional women were arrested for attempted bombings, shootings, possession of weapons, and even a rocket attack on a British Army post.
Even beyond these female militants, Rose Dugdale was a groundbreaker in terms of her genres of criminality. Her involvement in an aerial assault on a police station marked the first attack of its kind. Not since World War II had bombs fallen from the sky in the United Kingdom. Yet as daring as that was, it is not the venture from which her notoriety sprang. Instead, it was her theft of nineteen paintings from the Beit Collection in 1974 that left the greatest impression. That it was thought to be the largest such heist in history was remarkable; that the mastermind was a woman was unprecedented.
Many millions in fine art are estimated stolen every year, but it’s almost exclusively the work of men. There have been some women who have been accomplices in art heists, the most recent being Rita Alter, who in 1985 appears to have served as a decoy while her husband, Jerry, took what is now estimated to be a $100 million painting by Willem de Kooning, Woman-Ochre, from the University of Arizona Museum of Art. Some others have taken works from their employers or pilfered lesser works. But no woman has ever set their sights on art on par with that stolen by Dugdale nor played such a major role in its taking.
The first Russborough House heist (as of 2020, there have now been, incredibly, four) established Rose Dugdale as the great outlier—history’s first and only female mastermind and thief of high-value, highly recognizable masterpieces. It must be emphasized that she wasn’t just a hired gun or a lookout—she was the force behind the planning and execution of the crime, the leader of, and key to, the whole sordid and fantastic affair. The men who accompanied her were merely muscle. None of them had the knowledge of Russborough House’s holdings to target it and wouldn’t have known what to select from the walls even if they had. But Rose knew, and she chose very well. In fact, even if she had left behind the Vermeer during the Russborough House job (an oversight she would never have made), most of the other eighteen works would still qualify her take as among the greatest in art theft history. Yet more incredibly, this was likely not Dugdale’s only foray into stealing masterpieces.
This makes Rose a pioneer in yet another sense. Stealing high-value art, unlike most other forms of theft, is nearly always a one-off. Thieves find that once they have successfully pilfered masterpieces, unloading them is even harder than the heist. Only Myles Connor, perhaps the world’s greatest art thief, stole Rembrandts on separate occasions (as well as many other masterworks in his storied career). Stéphane Breitwieser was the culprit behind numerous thefts of fine art in Europe. But, at least in the twentieth century and beyond, this club is very exclusive. Rose Dugdale’s name belongs right alongside those two men in that notorious league.
Parallels with Patty Hearst’s foray into the world of militantism seem, at first blush, natural. Hearst’s childhood was close in style and substance to Dugdale’s, with both having attended the finest private schools and living with the sort of wealth that they would later rail against. They fought alongside people whose backgrounds were strikingly different from their own. And both Rose and Patty were repeated subjects of the “poor little rich girl” cliché in the popular media, with nary a story written about either that didn’t include the word “heiress.” However, that’s where the parallels end.
Though Hearst and Dugdale were, incredibly, grabbing front-page headlines within just two weeks of each other in April 1974, there exist strong distinctions between the two women. First, Hearst was just twenty and still in college when she was kidnapped. Dugdale was well into her thirties and had already earned her PhD when her criminal conduct began. Second, as Jeffrey Toobin has described in his book American Heiress, after being kidnapped and held in a closet, Hearst was seduced by at least one male member of the so-called Symbionese Liberation Army (SLA), and this was a major factor in her transformation. While there’s no disputing Rose’s love of, if not infatuation with, the activist Walter Heaton early on in her own personal awakening, Heaton was quick to note that anyone who thought it was his influencing her— rather than the other way around—was guilty of a serious misjudgment. Third, Dugdale took a leadership role in her revolutionary activities, while Hearst was a prop for the SLA. When Rose was released from Limerick Prison, she was left in the trunk of a car to avoid the media. Hearst, meanwhile, was positioned with her machine gun and beret exactly where bank cameras would capture her, making her an effective propaganda tool. Fourth, when facing serious criminal charges in court, Dugdale defended herself, using the courtroom as a political bully pulpit. Hearst, on the other hand, was represented by the famed defense attorney F. Lee Bailey. Fifth and finally, while Hearst would later seek commutation and pardon for her crimes, Rose Dugdale would never seek such accommodations. Instead, she wears her convictions like hardearned battle scars, proud of each and confident in their righteousness.
There is yet another way that Rose Dugdale’s art thefts are somewhat unusual, and that is her motive. Typically, thieves steal masterpieces because they believe—wrongly—that they will be able to monetize the works. Art is usually less secure than, say, money in a bank vault or precious stones. The reason for this is obvious: the whole point of a masterpiece is to display it. Whether in a home, a gallery, or a museum, fine art is meant to be appreciated and, therefore, on view. In turn, displaying art means making it that much more accessible than most other things of very high value. The more accessible something of value appears, the more attractive it is to thieves. The problem for thieves, however, is that once they’ve stolen a masterpiece, it’s nearly impossible to find a buyer. The evil billionaires of Hollywood simply do not exist in the real world and are, for all intents and purposes, unprecedented, especially in the Western Hemisphere.
A third motivation for art thieves is the acquisition of a bargaining chip to use with prosecutors if they are caught committing other crimes down the line. People who steal paintings aren’t specialists. They steal anything of value they can get their hands on, along with a host of other sorts of criminality. A highly sought-after work of art can make for an effective “get out of jail free” card. And in some cases, the masterpiece that cannot be fenced is nevertheless held for this reason. Why give it back when you can easily hide it and bargain with it later?
While Dugdale’s motive for her biggest heist most closely matches this last scenario, it differs from most major heists—except, incredibly, two other Vermeer thefts in the 1970s—in an important sense: she put her own freedom on the line to obtain a chit with which to aid people who, though she had once committed. She wasn’t stealing to help herself in any way. There was no personal financial gain to be had for Dugdale through art theft. There was no plot to hide a portion of her take to negotiate a lighter sentence for herself should she be caught. Her reward was in the effort itself. There could be no doubt: Rose Dugdale was a true believer in her cause.
Unlike most, Rose hasn’t written a tell-all autobiography. She has given just a handful of short interviews, usually covering unchallenging questions and only with enough time to provide general overviews instead of in-depth responses. A recent interview attempt by a reporter was met with an angry response. “Clear off, right. I’m not answering questions,” she snapped while watching a football match in Dublin, speaking in what was described as a “posh accent.”
Perhaps due to her reticence, Rose’s story has been mischaracterized in recent years. One widely published art crime scholar has incorrectly described her as an “American socialite” (she was neither); who stole “12 paintings” (she stole more than twenty); “on behalf of the IRA” (the IRA disavowed her crimes); “for the release of IRA prisoners” (it was for the transfer of prisoners, not release); “including her boyfriend” (her boyfriend was not in jail at the time and participated in the biggest of the thefts). He has also incorrectly described her as an “art historian” under whose “leadership” the IRA launched a series of violent art thefts. Such mischaracterizations don’t do justice to the legacy of Rose Dugdale. Though she can be coy about whether she was actually an official member of the Provisional IRA, the fact is that she was not. Multiple Provo sources made this quite clear when she was dominating the headlines from the mid-seventies until the very early eighties. Rather, she was an ardent sympathizer who fell in with a rogue unit. Similarly, her role in the history of art theft and activism is one that has been mischaracterized, the true story untold. Regardless of what one makes of her tactics, Rose Dugdale was at the forefront of female activism in a period defined by social and political upheaval.
Despite her recalcitrance and the relative scarcity of her own words about her life, Rose’s true story should be told. Whether she was a freedom fighter or a terrorist is for the reader to decide. But as to whether she was a pawn in someone else’s game, the answer is clear: she was moving her own chess pieces. She remains unrepentant and proud of her past. Even in her seventies, she proudly established a social media presence, and rather than posting her own face for her profile photo on Facebook and Twitter, she opted for the most famous painting she stole, Lady Writing a Letter with Her Maid, as her public image. This book examines what led her to that Vermeer, and perhaps another, and the remarkable life story that has remained untold for decades.
No comments:
Post a Comment