26/11/2023

Georg Matthias Bose's Electric Venus And Other Attractions of Electricity in the Eighteenth Century

 




Electricity was one of the emblems of enlightened modernity. The “youngest daughter of the sciences,” as the philosopher and theologian Joseph Priestley defined it, offered a vocabulary and a repertoire of embodied sensations with which to articulate visions of human progress. Enlightened moderns turned the page on the nostalgic look to the past that characterized the previous centuries. Electricity was one of the tools they brandished to articulate a historical narrative that positioned them at the beginning of a new age of cumulative knowledge, material progress, and racial superiority. They conceded that the attractive properties that amber—“elektron” in Greek—acquired when rubbed had been known since antiquity but noted that only in the present had experimenters demonstrated that electricity was a universal power of nature.
 
One of the earliest British writers on the medical applications of electricity, Richard Lovett, regarded the phenomena of the Leyden jar, discovered in 1746, as nothing less than an act of divine revelation. The Italian scholar Ludovico Muratori similarly declared that God “reserved for our times the discovery of a most wonderful phenomenon. I mean electricity.” Jean-Jacques Rousseau believed that if “a person had started up, in the last century, armed with all those miracles of electricity which are now common to the meanest of our experimentalists, it is certain he would have been burnt for a sorcerer, or followed as a prophet.”
 
The widespread success of the new science was facilitated by a preexisting experimental culture that crossed boundaries between academic and the social realms. Academic journals and popular magazines, along with a vast variety of other texts, popularized the surprising results of a heterogeneous group of self-styled “electricians” or “medical electricians,” many of whom had just a smattering of natural philosophy and often no medical training at all. The Swiss physiologist Albert von Haller remarked in a long article on electricity that was published in the Gentleman’s Magazine in 1747 that electrical demonstrations had awakened the curiosity of those who would not normally pay attention to experimental philosophy. Not only the literate but even the “ladies and people of quality, who never regard natural philosophy but when it works miracles,” became interested in electricity: Everyone wanted to see a “lady’s finger darting flashes of lightning, or her charming lips setting houses on fire.”
 
All over Europe and its colonies, electrical performances shocked and instructed. They offered sensorial evidence for the existence of an all-permeating natural substance that did not reveal itself unless properly prodded. The spectacle of electricity relied on “electrical machines” that made the newly discovered power of nature tangible. Participants in electrical demonstrations experienced with their own senses the effects of the invisible power that performers initially called “electric fire.” When connected to the electrical machine, audience members’ bodies responded uncontrollably to the passage of electricity: their hands attracted small feathers or pieces of papers without their touching them, their hair stood straight up, and their entire bodies jolted when they underwent the “electric commotion.” Only following Benjamin Franklin’s 1752 kite experiment did the association between lightning and electricity become widely accepted. Before then, there was no clear understanding of the nature of the electric matter. The popular experiments seemed to demonstrate that electricity was an ever-present natural substance, even when invisible.
 
Electrical demonstrators were eager for their audiences to understand that the electrical machine did not create any effect, since it only revealed the electric matter that existed in nature. However spectacular, their performances were by no means to be confused with magic tricks. In The History and Present State of Electricity (1767), Priestley admitted that the phenomena of electrical attractions and repulsions “looked like the power of magic” and so, without explanation, “and with a little art,” they could very well be used for “a deception of this kind.” However, he underscored, the electrical machine was a “philosophical instrument,” not a magician’s tool, because it exhibited “the operations of nature, that is of the God of nature himself.” Just as the air pump—another philosophical instrument according to Priestley—demonstrated that the vacuum was a natural phenomenon, the electric machine manifested the electric fire, it did not create it.
 
While experts debated the nature and properties of electricity without reaching consensus, electrified bodies seemed to provide evidence that electricity was an all-permeating, if still largely poorly understood, natural power. In his Essai sur l’électricité des corps (Essay on the electricity of bodies), published in 1746, French physicist Jean-Antoine Nollet offered the first comprehensive theoretical account of all known electrical phenomena, supporting his theory with a description of the physiological responses that any electrified audience member could feel. He believed that streams of electric matter—which shared some features with the substance of fire—issued in and out of electrified bodies. Participants in his lectures could use their own bodies to understand this theory: when they brought their cheeks close to an electrified object, they could feel the stream of electric fire causing a delicate tingling in their faces, and they could also see sparks issue from their fingers, hear cracking noises, and smell sulfuric odors.
 
Electrified bodies jolted, whooped, and gasped, potentially disrupting the codes of civility and politesse of eighteenth-century sociability. Natural philosophers whose lectures attracted aristocrats, like Nollet in Paris and Georg Matthias Bose in Leipzig, devised strategies to make the uncontrollable electrified body socially acceptable. They turned electrical demonstrations into a new kind of group dance. Lecturers led participants in explosive choreographies that showed that the loss of control caused by electrification was only temporary. Just as men and women in the group dances performed during the social gatherings of elites were assigned different steps, so the most popular electrical demonstrations enacted well-established gender roles, which played with the elite culture of courtship and seduction, along with the sexual allusions connected to the vocabulary and gestures of electrical experiments.
 
Bose, who performed for the duchess of Gotha, designed an experiment that turned ladies into electric Venuses. For this demonstration, which he called “Venus electrificata” and which Franklin later renamed the “electric kiss,” a lady stood on an insulated stool while a gentleman tried to kiss her, only to receive painful sparks from her lips. Gentlemen, in their turn, could perform their virility by “inflaming spirits,” that is, setting fire to alcohol with electrified swords. For those who preferred a less aggressive model of masculinity, Bose designed an electric “beatification,” which made a luminous halo appear above a person’s head. Nollet’s celebrated “electric commotion,” an experiment where people holding hands experienced an instantaneous electric shock at the same time, borrowed bodily gestures from the cotillion, a dance popular at court and among the aristocracy. The first and most spectacular iteration of such demonstration took place in the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles, the place for special balls, where Nollet invited one hundred eighty people to form a human chain. Not surprisingly, Haller commented in his article that electricity had “replaced the quadrille” in the social gatherings of the time.
 
Bose also introduced a gendered terminology into his theory of electric attractions and repulsions, which presented an innovative explanation of electrical phenomena based on the distinction between “male” and “female” electric fire. According to this theory, the male fire, emitted by metals and animal bodies, was strong and powerful, and sparks, with their crackling sound, were its visible manifestations. The female fire, on the other hand, was a weak luminous emanation, the kind of light that characterized the aurora borealis. The gendered roles participants were assigned at electrical soirées in which entire families took part turned the potentially indecorous effects of electrification into socially acceptable choreographies.
 
Electrical demonstrations took place for the most part in the dark and capitalized on the gallantry and innuendo that characterized eighteenth-century sociability. The gestures associated with electrical experiments—the rubbing of a long glass rod that emitted a stream of sparks or the gentle caressing of a globe—elicited the salacious curiosity of the salon goers and captivated the imagination of pornographers and satirists. Theories that connected the electric matter to the principle of life, together with the discovery of animal electricity later in the century, further excited the popular imagination. The Marquis de Sade was profoundly inspired by the violent bodily convulsions caused by the discharge of the Leyden jar and liberally employed electrical vocabulary in his works. The idea that electricity could be used to promote fertility was at the core of the Temple of Health and Hymen, the London extravaganza of the medico-electrical quack George Graham. Among its many prodigious treatments, the temple featured a “celestial bed” surrounded by electrical effluvia, where couples allegedly could successfully conceive. Authors who believed that the electric fire was connected to virility found short-lived confirmation in the rumor that the Leyden experiment did not work on the castrati. Although the rumor was unfounded, the very fact that it spread reveals the pervasiveness of the sexualized interpretations of electricity.




 
 
Adapted from In the Land of Marvels: Science, Fabricated Realities, and Industrial Espionage in the Age of the Grand Tour by Paola Bertucci.. Published by  Johns Hopkins University Press. 2023. .

 

The Youngest Daughter of the Sciences :  Electrical performances shocked upper-class eighteenth-century audiences. By Paola Bertucci. Lapham’s Quarterly, November 1, 2023. 






Where did this excitement come from?
 
Francis Hawksbee the Elder built his influence machine and people experimented with rubbing glass balls and rods of resin. And then, during the 1740s, the phenomenon of electricity became a subject of popular wonder in the salons of Europe, especially in Germany. Fascinated by Hawksbee’s experiments and Dufay’s writings, Georg Mathias Bose, a young poet and physicist from Leipzig, devised a series of technical feats intended to impress a public of respectable ladies and gentlemen who hurried to admire the spectacle of this new fire, ‘electric fluid’, surging spontaneously from matter.
 
‘Sanctified by science and frozen with surprise’
 
What did Bose’s device consist of? He would invite guests to break bread with him. Beforehand, he would insulate all the furniture and his own chair. The apprentice wizard would then discreetly touch a thin copper wire placed under a tray and connected to a hidden generator activated by an accomplice; then, with gravitas, Bose would put his hand flat on the table. The current passed along the guests’ arms, which they would politely rest on this same table, and the crowd, sharing a look of panic, would become overjoyed, surprised, and dishevelled, their hair standing on end as it teemed with thousands of crackling sparks. ‘It’s marvellous!’ one exclaimed. A few months later, Bose invented a machine for mechanical beatification, with the ‘saint’ seated on an insulated chair, the top of his head covered by a little pointy metal hat, under a sort of crown of bits of cardboard and junk. The current was diffused by a long wire that hung just above a metal plate. Situated barely a centimetre higher than the crown, it set off a crackling of sparks that outlined a halo above the head of the person now sanctified by science and frozen with surprise.
 
‘My mouth twisted, and my teeth almost broke!’
 
Bose’s imagination was particularly drawn to an attraction called ‘the electric kiss of Leipzig’, which he lyrically describes in his poem ‘Venus electrificata’. Having been insulated from the current beforehand, a beautiful young woman would be connected to Bose’s primary generator, her lips coated with a conductive substance. An honourable audience member was then invited to come up and kiss the girl. The twenty-something-year-old man would bring his quivering lips close to those of the Venus and suffer a violent discharge. The astonished public would then see a surging flash between the mouths of the two young people. The man, having literally received the shock of his life, would be momentarily dazed, the power of the electricity, the fire emanating from the woman, leaving him breathless. ‘The pain came from up close, and my lips were quaking. My mouth twisted, and my teeth almost broke!’
 
‘A fire of the purest kind’
 
Bose, the maths professor Hausen, and Winkler, their young colleague in Eastern languages, all set Leipzig ablaze with audacious experiments straddling the line between physics and quackery; in this period, the ‘electric fairy’ (la fée électricité) was still a magical form of scientific entertainment, an irrational promise of reason. Soon enough, the games would be replaced by theories. But, for the time being, the fumes of this subtle fluid sparking a fire in the ether stoked the spirits of Europe and sketched the outline of a new image of human desire. ‘Madame, you are now filled with fire, a fire of the purest kind, one that will cause you no pain as long as you keep it in your heart, but one which will also make you suffer as soon as you communicate it to others.’ Lying latent, perhaps this internal fire is to blame for only revealing itself through contact with her suitor, the man who tries to kiss her. This fire represents the desirability of the young woman; sensual desire is like an electric force and, conversely, electricity is like the natural libido of all matter, just waiting for its suitor, humanity, to reveal itself.
 
‘The shiver of a new intensity’
 
In the guise of desire, electricity is not without danger, but it triggers the shiver of a new intensity, that of an ‘unthinkable fluid’. We still did not know the nature of this fluid or its possible uses. The human body served as the principal conductor for these first demonstrations of electrostatic power. Like an electric shiver through the body, something happens that makes manifest the occult power of certain objects to repel or attract others, to heat up, to set off sparks, and to produce a combined discharge of energy and light. But soon the human body was replaced by metal. Flesh, muscles, and nerves were separated from this mysterious impulse. It returned to its place within things, as the first electrostatic generators, Leyden jars, batteries in cylinders, and trays of thousands of jars were constructed.
 
‘An intoxication cultivated by the modern mind’
 
But then electricity entered into humanity, where it would always remain as a sort of intoxication cultivated by the modern mind. Like blood coursing through the veins of society, electric light spread through optical science and transported fabulous cinematographic images to the screen. It broke the image into a thousand bits of light, decomposed and encoded it into short pulses capable of being transmitted over distances, and made way for the diffusion of television. It invaded all data, images, texts, and sounds and then placed itself in the service of electronics. It illuminated the street lights of the great capitals as well as the lamps above the beds of children reading late into the night. It fed the indefatigable motor of growth and progress. It demanded that dams, generators, power plants, and windmills be constructed. It set in motion all things or nearly all things to the extent that humanity, without even knowing it, became the living medium between entities (cables, telephones, radios, pacemakers…). Little by little, humanity forgot the electric nature of those entities, but the idea remained in the bloodstream. It was as if Leipzig’s kiss, which sealed the modern alliance of desire and electricity, had never ended.
 
Extracted from The Life Intense: A Modern Obsession by Tristan Garcia.  Edinburgh University press, 2018.
 
 
What Electricity Has Done to Thought: an excerpt from The Life Intense by Tristan Garcia. By Naomi Farmer. Edinburgh University Press, October 2018.





The Nature is generous. By endowing sulfur and glass with the property of attraction, it has allowed everyone to seize the electrical phenomenon. The simplest stick of sulfur or the most banal glass tubes already give beautiful effects. But these materials lend themselves especially to the manufacture of "machines" which will complete the "cabinets of curiosities", obligatory attraction of any noble or bourgeois home that respects itself, from the second half of the 17th century.

Otto de Guericke (1602-1686)

Among the builders, a name emerges, that of Otto de Guericke. He is the descendant of a family of notables from the free city of Magdeburg. His father and grandfather served as mayor, helping to make it a prosperous and populous city. He studied first at the University of Leipzig and then joined Leiden to complete his studies in languages as well as in the art of fortifications and war machines.

In 1626, he returned to Magdeburg where his knowledge quickly became useful because, in 1631, the Protestant city was besieged by the armies of the German Emperor in conflict with Sweden whose city is allied.

On May 20, at dawn, the troops of Catholic mercenaries of warlord Tilly, composed of Spaniards, Italians, French, Poles and Germans enter the city. The population resists heroically but fails to repel the attackers. Then begins what has been remembered as the "massacre of Magdeburg": in four days, twenty thousand civilians have been killed by the sword or burned alive in the fire of their house.

Once peace is restored, Otto de Guericke helps raise the city from its ruins and becomes mayor. In this position, he represented Magdeburg at the peace congress which, in 1648, ended this "thirty-year war". Good negotiator, he gets for his city, the recognition of his old privileges. This mission leads him to sit on the Imperial Diet. It was at one of these meetings, in Regensburg, in 1654, that he chose to reveal the capabilities of the vacuum pump he had recently developed.

The so-called "Magdeburg hemispheres" experiment is well known. It follows Torricelli's experiments (1608-1647) on atmospheric pressure.

In 1643, to respond to the problem posed by the Florence fountain-makers who had difficulty pumping water into their wells beyond 32 feet (about 10 meters), Toricelli had spilled a tube full of mercury on a tank containing the same liquid. He could see that the mercury was falling down the tube to stabilize at a height of 28 inches (76cm) above the free surface. He thus demonstrated the existence of the atmospheric pressure but also that of the emptiness which, according to his adversaries, Nature had "horror".

The subject fascinates Otto Guericke who undertakes successfully, the development of a pump capable of evacuating  air from a container full of it. After trying to empty a barrel that did not resist the experiment, Guericke had a copper sphere made up of two contiguous hemispheres and equipped with a tap. In front of a large audience, he is emptying into this imposing sphere of a diameter of 1.19 meters. Twenty-four horses hitched to the hemispheres are unable to break the adhesion between the two parts.

 This experience radically inaugurates the practice of "science show" whose popularity will also be decisive in the advancement of electrical science.

The experience of the "Hemispheres of Magdeburg" is a landmark in the history of mechanics. Guericke's place in that of electricity is more modest. His contribution in this area was, moreover, ignored by most of his contemporaries. Yet, nearly a century later, several physicists, and in particular the Frenchman Dufay, note that one would have gained to consider his experiments with more attention.

Guericke, in fact, is not realy interested in electricity. He meets it only through the questions he asks himself about the functioning of the Universe and first of all about that of the earth. Among the "virtues" he attributes to our globe, two seem to him fundamental. First a "conservative" virtue: the earth attracts all the materials that are necessary for its formation, water, rocks ... Then an "expulsive" virtue: it repels everything that can destroy it. Fire, for example, whose flame rises to the sky.

Guericke offers of it a spectacular demonstration. Take, he says, a glass balloon the size of a "child's head", fill it with finely ground sulfur, heat up to the fusion of the sulfur, let cool, break the glass and collect the sulfur globe . Equip the globe with a handle and place it on a wooden support. Rub this ball vigorously with a very dry hand.

The ball will then manifest many of the earthly virtues. "Conservative" virtue first, attracting light objects to her.

More amazing is the observation of the "expulsive" virtue ! The globe sometimes repels what it first attracted. A feather, for example, after touching the globe is repulsed. So suspended in the air, it can be walked around the room. Better: whatever the movement of the globe it seems to always present the same face. Exactly like the moon opposite the earth.

Guericke, who has read Gilbert, can not doubt for a moment that the attraction virtue of the earth is simply electrical in nature. As for repulsive virtue, no one before him seems to have noticed it. He attributes to it a different cause and imagines it only proper to the constituent elements of the earth and among these to sulfur. It passes, thus, beside a truth which will remain long obscure until the French Dufay shows that the electricity also has a "repulsive virtue"!

Guericke's experiments contain other rich intuitions. To prove that the air is not the vehicle of the attraction, it shows that this virtue can be transmitted by means of a linen thread, more than a meter long, stretched from the surface of the globe. This first observation of the electrical "conduction" will also remain without a future. It will be up to the Englishman Gray to rediscover it almost a century later.

Even if its title of glory remains the famous experiment of the hemispheres and if its theoretical contribution in the field of electricity remained limited, the talent of observer and experimenter of Guericke, recognized by his successors, deserves the place which him is reserved in the Pantheon of electricians.

Hauksbee ( ?- 1713)

Electricity and vacuum works together in the machines devised by Francis Hauksbee.

 The first years of his life are not well known. Self-taught, he is noticed by Newton. In December 1703, the famous physicist, author of the law of universal gravitation, became president of the Royal Society of London, the largest English Scientific Academy. He hires Hauksbee as his lead experimenter. Until 1705, it animates the sessions of the Academy. In particular by classic vacuum experiments inspired by Guericke.

From this date he moves towards the study of "mercurial" or "barometric" phosphorescence. Since 1675, a fortuitous observation intrigues physicists. When a barometric tube arranged in the conditions of the Toricelli experiment is jostled in the darkness, a phosphorescent glow appears in the emptiness released at the upper part of the tube. When Hauksbee tackles the problem, it is generally accepted that this glow comes from an emanation of mercury. For his part he chooses to use method and study the respective roles of emptiness, glass and mercury.

The vacuum ? Hauksbee partially fills a balloon with mercury in which he creates vacuum. The whole remains dark as long as the liquid remains motionless. It is therefore clear that the vacuum is not sufficient but that, on the other hand, the friction caused by the movement is essential.

 Friction on mercury or on glass? From November 1705 Hauksbee uses, to answer this question, a montage which ignores mercury. It is a sphere of glass provided with two diametrically opposed copper pieces serving as its axis. This sphere can be put in rapid motion by placing it on a machine inspired by a carpenter's wheel. But its essential property is to have been conceived so that one can realize the emptiness. Hauksbee took the precaution of keeping a valve in one of the parts of the shaft that can be connected to a vacuum pump.




The sphere, emptied of its air, is set in motion and rubbed by the hand of the experimenter. Suddenly, in the darkness, the sphere fills with a strong diffuse glow. A wall ten feet away is illuminated. A book held near the globe can be read. When a finger approaches the sphere, the light is concentrated in filaments that seem attracted by this finger. The light gradually decreases when, little by little, the air is allowed to enter the tube.

 Even when the atmospheric pressure is reached, we can still catch some light from the globe. It is external this time, and present themselves in the new form of sparks. Hauksbee still hesitates but for Newton opinion, the light does not come from emptiness, nor from mercury but from glass!

We now know that if it is the glass that is electrified, the light comes from the air. In the "empty" globe, there is still residual gas and it is "ionized" under the effect of the electric field created by the friction of the glass. It becomes, by this fact, bright, like neon in a tube of lighting. Naturally this interpretation was impossible to those who had neither the knowledge of the nature of the air, nor, still less, of the existence and constitution of the atoms.

 This "electrical phosphorescence" will continue to obsess generations of physicists. His study will lead to cathode-ray tubes, which for some time still equip our televisions and computers screens. The discovery of X-rays, that of electrons, that of radioactivity, will also be at the end of this adventure that we will discuss later.

For the moment, Hauksbee's spectacular and frightening demonstrations in the darkness of a cabinet are becoming the star experiences of physics shows.

Tube or globe?

One thing is certain: for those who saw glass as a secondary material and with few electrical effects, and who continued to prefer amber, sulfur or wax, Hauksbee opposed them a convincing denial.

Glass is essential, but in what form? Hauksbee himself for his classical demonstrations renounces his spheres and uses only a tube of flint-glass, the flint-glass used for optics and of which the English are the specialists. With a tube one meter long and three centimeters in diameter, it attracts thin sheets of copper several tens of centimeters apart. These sheets of copper, or better of gold, more sensitive than pieces of string or paper, will become the classic material of electrical laboratories. To put them in motion, a glass tube is more than enough.

 The globe, mounted on a tower, will be forgotten for thirty years until, around 1733, a German physicist, Bose, takes up the idea.

Bose (1710-1761)

Georg Matthias Bose, born in Leipzig, is interested in new physics and mathematics while pursuing his medical studies. In 1738 he was appointed to a chair of "natural philosophy" at the University of Wittenberg. From this position, he establishes a close relationship with all that Europe counts as well-known people, both scientists and men of letters, religion and politics. The magic aspect of electricity seduces him. When his readings lead him to meet the electrical experiments of Gray and Dufay (two persons of prime importance that we will talk about again), and in particular those on conductors and insulators; when, moreover, he finds the description of Hauksbee's globe, he knows that he has found both his vocation and his public.

It first completes the Hauksbee device with an assembly that will become the standard for all European laboratories. An iron tube, sometimes in the form of a rifle barrel, hangs horizontally from two cords of silk. He grazes, without touching it, the rubbed glass globe. This "first conductor" will then be used to distribute the "electrical fluid" through various chains or conductors to the surrounding experimental devices.

Bose then organizes "electric parties" that are not limited to its student audience. Imagine a meal where you have invited all the prominent notables in your city. The legs of the table have been isolated by wax patties as well as the chair that you have reserved for yourself. From the electric machine you have operated and concealed, a connecting wire is brought near your hand. At the moment your guests want to grab their fork, you just have to do the contact with the table so that an electric shock comes to make them jump on their chair. At dessert you will set a liquor cup on fire simply by the approach of one of your fingers from where only the closest spectators will have seen a spark escape. Your guests will then be ready to follow you in the cabinet of curiosities where you will transport them in a universe at once wonderful and terrifying.

Wonderful! Wafers of thick wax are placed on the floor. Each participant climbs on one of them and reaches out to his neighbors, forming a chain whose first link firmly holds the rifle barrel suspended above the globe of the machine. When the globe is set in motion, the person at the other end of the chain reaches out over gold leaves placed on a plate. Each one then sees the leaves rise from a light flight, as attracted by a magic will, towards the open hand of the experimenter. Let's put out the candles that light up this closed-shuttered salon and reach for the driver of the machine, we will see sparkling sparks. In the form of apotheosis we can propose the demonstration of the "electric beatification". The loveliest person in the assembly is invited to climb on a cake of wax and to seize the driver. When the machine is vigorously activated, its hair unfolds in a halo which illuminates, in the darkness, a thousand gleams of holiness.

Terrifying ! The man who has the courage to run a few drops of his blood sees them glitter like fire beads in the dark as he grabs the electric conductor. Tense fingers of a person connected to the machine can kill the poor flies to which the spark will be directed. Could we not make more serious victims tomorrow? Such manipulations would certainly have condamned their authors to be burned in the times, still close, of the Inquisition!

 Terrifying and traitor! As beautiful as the young person haloed by the contact of the machine be, it will not be prudent to approach his lips for a kiss. The "Electrified Venus" will defend its virtue by a vigorous electric shock.





 L’abbé Nollet (1700-1770)

The news of these wonders reaches France and in particular to the Abbé Nollet who is then one of the most prominent European electricians. He said he could not sleep until he himself had built and perfected a machine.

The globe, one foot in diameter, used by Nollet, is thick glass. The wheel which drives it by means of a belt passing by a pulley fixed on its axis, must be at least four feet in diameter and be provided with a crank which allows two men to activate it. Nollet prefers to rub the globe by hand but many European physicists have chosen to add a leather cushion.



 The plate machines.

 This voluminous machine will fit most physics cabinets until the Englishman Ramsden (1735-1800) builds the first plate machine in 1768. The plate machine is perfected quickly and will become really effective when the first machines appear. " with electrical influence ", ie requiring no friction. The famous machine invented by the English Wimshurst in 1883, still equips the laboratories of our high schools.

History of electricity. The first electric machines.  Le blog d'histoire des sciences, June 3, 2018.





 





 

In March 2017, Elon Musk, chairman of Tesla, flamboyantly proposed a solution to South Australia’s chronic power shortages in the ever-worsening summer heat. He would meet peak electricity demand by building a wall of batteries capable of storing up to 100 MWh of electricity; and it would be operational in 100 days or he would give it away for free. The news was just the latest indication of how spectacularly the economics of electricity storage have shifted in recent years. Yet the problem of storage takes us right back to the earliest days of electrical discovery, when a semi-accidental discovery by a gentleman scientist set the world on the road toward an electrical future.
 
Ewald von Kleist was born with a silver spoon in his mouth. The von Kleists were one of the more prominent noble families in the Prussian aristocracy, which for generations would supply high ranking administrators and military officers for the state – almost all of them called Ewald. Little is known of his childhood, but he went to university in Leiden, Netherlands in the 1720s where he studied law and theology. But while he would later become dean of the cathedral chapter in Kamień Pomorski, Poland, he also seems to have fallen under the spell of Willem ’s Gravesande, who introduced Isaac Newton’s work to the Netherlands and quantified the idea of kinetic energy, and Jean-Nicolas-Sebastien Allamand, his Swiss–Dutch pupil. When von Kleist returned home to Pomerania he took up science as a hobby, a common pastime for educated gentlemen of the day.
 
The 18th century was the age of weird electrical phenomena. Building on the century-old observation that objects could be charged simply rubbing one against another, all kinds of electrical ‘machines’ had been built. Wonderful demonstrations were devised. Among the most famous was Stephen Gray’s ‘The Flying Boy’, in which a small child was suspended by silk threads and then charged up, giving off spectacularly amusing sparks to anyone who approached. Among the masters of the public demonstration was Georg Matthias Bose (no connexion with Satyendra Nath Bose who developed the quantum mechanics of even spin particles in the 20th century), whose demonstrations were particularly flamboyant and piquant – in the ‘Electric Venus’ an attractive young woman was made to stand on a disc of insulating resin and charged up. Men in the audience were then invited to come up and kiss her, only to receive a nasty shock on the lips. Then, with the lights in the room extinguished, Bose would charge up a volunteer or assistant dressed in a suit of medieval armour equipped with sharp spikes. As the voltage rose, a blue-violet corona discharge could be seen in the darkness, a ghostly effect effect that Bose called ‘beatification’.
 
But among the japes there was real science. Bose showed that electrical conductors could become charged provided they were insulated from the ground using suitable material. He ‘electrified’ water in a drinking glass, and drew sparks from it using a finger or, more theatrically, with a sword. It presented a contradiction: fire could somehow pass through water. In public, Bose heightened the drama by setting fire to alcohol using a spark.
 
His demonstration experiments caused a sensation. Von Kleist, who had an electrical machine of his own, probably wondered whether the electricity could not be stored in the liquid itself. On 15 October 1745 he filled a small medicine bottle with alcohol or water and stoppered it, having hammered a nail through the cork to allow the electricity to reach the liquid. He then touched the nail to his machine. In the dim evening light he noticed a ‘pencil of fire’ around the nail, which lasted while he walked 60 paces around the room holding the bottle. When he touched it with his finger he received a massive electrical shock that stunned his arm and shoulder – enough to make von Kleist extremely wary of his bottle.
 
Astonished by his discovery, he wrote to several academics in Berlin, Hallé, Leipzig and Gdánsk, all of whom failed to reproduce the effect. He may also have written to university friends in Leiden, because four months later the university’s professor of physics Pieter van Musschenbroek reported an almost identical experiment in letters to the French scientist René de Réaumur. Arguments have swirled among historians about how the Leiden experiment came about. It is known that a lawyer Andreas Cunaeus, who spent his spare time with van Musschenbroek and Allamand, was involved and he is generally agreed to have received the first major jolt in Leiden.
 
Were the three aware of von Kleist’s work? Van Musschenbroek has been dismissed by historians as an indifferent electrical experimenter, tending to spend more time repeating others’ work carefully than on embarking on anything new. We may never know the precise sequence, but the uncertainty over priority has led to the gradual disappearance of the term Kleistian, to be replaced by the more generic Leyden (Leiden) jar – a term coined by French scientist Jean-Antoine Nollet, who translated van Musschenbroek’s work.



 
Von Kleist died less than three years after his discovery, probably oblivious to its significance. The ability to store charge opened up new possibilities in the study of electrical phenomena. Metallic coatings on the inside and outside of the jar improved its performance, but American scientist Benjamin Franklin in particular showed that the charge was stored on the glass rather than the metal. He also began to link them in series (‘in cascade’) to make a battery of Leyden jars. In Bologna, Luigi Galvani used the jars to make dead frogs twitch and likened electric eels to biological Leyden jars; Alessandro Volta (Chemistry World, June 2011, p58) used them to demolish Galvani’s speculations. Kleist has also been referred to, rather improbably, as ‘the father of the telegraph’ due to the role Leyden jars played in its development.
 
Perhaps there is some irony that, while today there has never been a greater need to store electricity, the first scientific studies of electricity were made possible by a reliable storage device. There really is nothing new under the sun.
 
Von Kleist's jar. By Andrea Sella. Chemistry World, March 28, 2017. 











In 1737, a poet/physicist at the University of Leipzig, Georg Matthias Bose, became enthalled with the electrical experiments of Hauksbee, Shilling and Dufay. After constucting a static electric generator (little more than a rotating glass sphere with a friction rubber of fur and a brass conductor), he proceded to conduct demonstrations such as the electrical kiss (Venus electrificata, the attempted osculation of an electrified young lady) and his pièce de résistance, Beatification.
 
His poetic nature enabled him to describe the process of Beatification in such woolly terms, that he had the monopoly on the demo. No-one could replicate his production of a halo hovering above the cranium. It was trickery, in so much as it required an evacuated crown to be worn, with a highly electrified conductor above that. Rackstrow managed to replicate the process in 1748, as shown in the engraving above. However, the controversy raged for many years....
 










The High Voltage Beatification of Professor Bose at Wittenburg.  Lateral Science Blog, November 23, 2015. 




Electricity was the craze of the eighteenth century. Thrilling experiments became forms of polite entertainment for ladies and gentlemen who enjoyed feeling sparks, shocks and attractions on their bodies. Popular lecturers designed demonstrations that were performed in darkened salons to increase the spectacle of the so-called electric fire. Not only did the action, the machinery and
the ambience of such displays match the culture of the libertine century, it also provided new material for erotic literature.
 
Electric party
 
‘A turkey is to be killed for dinner by the electric shock, and roasted by the electric jack, before a fire
kindled by the electrified bottle; when the healths of all the famous electricians of England, France, Holland, and Germany, are to be drunk in electrified bumpers, under the discharge of guns from the electrical battery .’
 
This description of an electrical party, penned by Benjamin Franklin in 1749, humorously captures the eighteenth-century craze for everything electric. In the age of Enlightenment, electricity was one of the most promising branches of experimental philosophy as well as one of the most requested forms of polite entertainment. Aristocratic ladies and gentlemen delighted in experimenting with the
newly discovered powers of the ‘electric fire’. In darkened salons demonstrators choreographed simple electrical phenomena – such as attractions, sparks and shocks – so as to turn them into interactive performances that involved the audience and that appealed to the culture of the libertine century.
 
The new science of the Enlightenment
 
Although the etymology of the word electricity testifies to the fact that the attractive properties of rubbed amber (elektron in Greek) had been known since antiquity, at the time Franklin wrote, electricity was still regarded as a young science. In 1767, almost two decades later, his friend
and chemist Joseph Priestley termed it the ‘youngest daughter of the sciences’ . Indeed, it was in the age of  Enlightenment that electricity gained prominence both in the academic world and in the public sphere. Starting from the 1740s, learned audiences in Europe and North America became familiar with a natural power as disruptive as lightning and as enchanting as the aurora borealis, a
phenomenon that also promised sensational new therapies.
Itinerant lecturers toured capitals and provinces with their portable electrical apparatus, offering dramatic demonstrations of the laws effects of the ‘electric fire’ in public squares and aristocratic salons. Their activity made electricity one of the most discussed topics of polite conversations, with the media of the time extolling instruments and inventors. As early as 1745 readers of the
Gentleman’s Magazine would learn of the ‘wonderful discoveries’ recently made in the field, ‘so surprising as to awaken the indolent curiosity of the public’. Not only the literate, but even ‘ladies and people of quality, who never regard natural philosophy but when it works miracles’,
became interested in electrical effects: ‘princes were willing to see this new fire which a man produced from himself, and which did not descend from heaven’ .
 
 
Electrical phenomena as simple as attractions and repulsions between charged bodies were choreographed to keep audiences from boredom. Spectators could feel on their own bodies the effects of electricity: if properly connected to the electrical machine they could see their
hair raise or their hands attract small pieces of paper. Several instruments especially designed for scientific soirees contributed to make a spectacle of electricity (Figure 1). Instrument-makers exploited what we now know as electrostatic induction to make paper puppets dance or metallic bells ring, whereas the livid light of electrical sparks was displayed in the dark in order to increase theatricality. Spectators could so admire spirals of sparks appearing inside glass tubes, luminescent images flashing onto wooden boards, suggestive bluish or greenish glows filling
exhausted glass vessels.
 
 In 1746 the introduction of the Leyden jar (what is now called a cylindrical condenser) enhanced the dramatic character of electric demonstrations by allowing storage of the electric fire and its sudden release as shocks or sparks. The instrument contributed to the design of new fashionable, though somewhat shocking, experiments. By touching the jar’s inside and outside coating with both
hands, it was possible to provoke an instantaneous electric discharge through one’s body. The ‘Leyden experiment’, as this phenomenon was known from the name of the town where it was first discovered, aroused great curiosity. As Franklin declared, for a number of ingenious lecturers who
showed it for money, it meant ‘meat, drink and clothing’. The French instrument-maker and public demonstrator Jean Antoine Nollet made the Leyden experiment collective by forming chains of people holding hands: they would be shocked simultaneously as the first and the last person
in the circle touched the inside and the outside coating of the jar (Figure 2).
 
Useful electricity
 
Along with the Leyden jar, another innovation brought electricity to the fore of learned discussions and public interest: medical electricity. The therapeutic virtues of electricity remained a debated issue throughout the century, nonetheless patients were receptive towards the possibility
that the newly discovered electric fire might also be a healing agent. Equipped with the most up-to-date electrical instruments, performers readily included ‘medical’ electricity in their repertoire of theatrical demonstrations, offering to administer shocks and sparks for therapeutic purposes in
the course of their performances.
 
If utility was a keyword of the Enlightenment, electricity was definitely an enlightened science. Its useful applications were not limited to innovative therapy. As it is well-known, Benjamin Franklin was a fervent advocate of lightning rods, grounded metallic conductors that were employed for preventing buildings and people from the dire effects of lightning. Franklin based his promotion of lightning rods on his own theory of electricity, according to which the movement of the electric fire was responsible for several disruptive phenomena, both in the atmosphere and in the
bowels of the earth. As Priestley made clear in his History and Present State of Electricity, by the second half of the eighteenth century electricity was regarded as a natural agent that could account for several disruptive ‘unusual appearances’. Not only lightning, but also earthquakes, whirlpools and whirlwinds were explained in terms of the motion of the electric fire. Several instruments helped
demonstrators illustrate the implications of Franklin’s theory to the public. Thunder houses dramatically demonstrated the difference metallic conductors would make in case lightning struck a building, whereas the ‘aurora flask’ reproduced the aurora borealis which was regarded as an
electrical phenomenon on a small scale (Figure 3). Such demonstrations contributed to the construction of an electrical cosmos: health, sickness, thunderstorm, earthquakes
and aurora borealis, all resulted from the motions of the electric fire.
 
Science in the salon
 
The quick reception of electrical science in the public sphere was strictly tied to the ongoing success of experimental philosophy. Public lectures on natural philosophy, based on experimental demonstrations, were well-established forms of education and recreation in the mid-eighteenth century . Newtonian natural philosophy spread widely thanks to the courses that itinerant lecturers
offered to paying audiences. Educated ladies and gentlemen delighted in experimenting on the natural world and the conversations they hosted in their salons – which can be regarded as one of the cultural spaces of the Enlightenment – often focused on scientific subjects. Instruments
such as the orrery (or planetarium), the air pump, microscopes and telescopes, were familiar items not only for the learned but also for the polite. As icons of natural knowledge, they were included in gentlemanly collections of curiosities and rarities, or exhibited in especially dedicated physics cabinets. As electrical experiments gained the attention of the public, lecturers readily included the
new science in their repertoire of demonstrations while instrument makers promptly added electrical instruments in their sales catalogues.
 
Electrical phenomena, on their part, lent themselves particularly well to the culture of public performances, which blended spectacle and education. In darkened salons electrical performers staged a repertoire of sparks and attractions that exhilarated their audiences. The electric
fire revealed itself to the eyes, the ears and even the nose: its livid light was accompanied by a crackling noise and left a distinctive sulphurous smell. Audiences in search of entertainment and education were particularly impressed by the sensuous experience of the electric fire. Electrical
soirees never failed to satisfy such expectation.
 
In 1730 Stephen Gray, a Fellow of the Royal Society of London, conceived an experiment that demonstrated the ability of the human body to conduct electricity. The socalled ‘flying-boy experiment’ became one of the most popular demonstrations that made the fortune of itinerant
performers throughout Europe. Suspended by silk cords, a young boy was connected to a friction generator by his feet: by this means his hands could attract small pieces of papers.
In the course of the century several variations were proposed: the boy’s electrified hands turned the pages of a book, or transmitted the electric fire to a young girl who would attract light objects herself. Nollet involved the ladies in the audience: as they approached their fingers to the boy’s nose a big spark could be seen and heard (Figure 4).
 
The inclusion of the human body in electrical demonstrations increased their spectacularity and the curiosity they aroused among polite society. With the armoury of attractions, repulsions, sparks and shocks, itinerant demonstrators could be certain of success.




 
 Bodily attractions
 
Women became essential protagonists of electrical soirees. Electrical performances staged in courts and salons counted on their active participation and played with sexual difference. Although both men and women could experience the electric fire with their bodies, they would tackle it in different ways. The most common electrical experiments provide a glimpse into the different roles salon culture codified for ladies and gentlemen. One of the most popular demonstrations of the time was the electrifying Venus, or electric kiss. Invented by the German professor Georg Matthias Bose, it was soon replicated throughout Europe. The experiment was simple to organize. The selected lady would stand on an insulated stool while an operator charged her body with an electrical machine.  gentlemen in the audience would then be invited to kiss her, but alas, as they tried to approach her lips a strong spark would discourage any attempt, while exhilarating the lady and the rest of the audience. The Gentleman’s Magazine celebrated Bose’s invention:
   ‘Could one believe that a lady’s finger, that her whalebone petticoat, should send forth flashes of true lightening, and that such charming lips could set on fire a house? The ladies were sensible of this new privilege of kindling fires without any poetical figure, or hyperbole, and resorted from all parts to the public lectures of natural philosophy, which by that means became brilliant assemblies.’
 
Bose, by contrast, deliberately used ‘poetical figures’ as a way of ingratiating members of the opposite sex, especially if there was a chance aristocratic ladies might offer him patronage. One of the most active electricians of the mid-eighteenth century, he wrote a poem on electricity
that he dedicated to the princess of Gotha and to the duchess of Brühl-Collowrath, who enjoyed attending his electric demonstrations. In his verses there was of course a reference to his attempt to kiss an electrifying Venus:
 
     ‘Once only, what temerity!
I kissed Venus standing on pitch.
It pained me to the quick. My lips trembled
My mouth quivered, my teeth almost broke.’
 
 
Bose contributed substantially to making the repertoire of electric demonstrations spicier. If his electrifying Venus gratified ladies, the defeated men could exhibit their virility by ‘inflaming spirits’ with electrified swords (Figure 5). Bose also allowed gentlemen to show more spiritual tendencies by undergoing ‘beatification’: the volunteer sat on an armchair and, thanks to a device that resulted
invisible in the dark, after a few minutes a luminous halo would appear above his head (Figure 6).
 
Bose did not limit his creativity to experiment. Convinced as he was that academic prose would never capture the imagination of the public he wished to attract, he worked at changing the vocabulary of electricity so as to adapt it to the libertine century. In his poem on electricity he presented an
innovative explanation of electrical phenomena based, not by chance, on the distinction between ‘male’ and ‘female’ electric fire. The male fire, emitted by metals and animal bodies, was unsurprisingly strong and powerful: sparks, with their crackling sound, were visible manifestations of
this kind of fire. The female fire, instead, was a weak luminous emanation, the kind of light that characterized the aurora borealis.
 
Although Bose’s theory was short-lived, his vision of electricity as a bridge between experimental and erotic culture continued throughout the century. In fact, both the machinery and the gesture of electrical experiment inspired pornographic satirists. The vocabulary of friction, attraction, sparks and flames lent itself particularly well to verses that defeated prudery:
 
‘What makes our first felicity,
But this pure electricity,
Divested of all fiction:
Motion makes heat, and heat makes love,
Creatures below, and things above,
Are all produc’d by friction’
Such satirical poems drew freely from the allusions so obviously offered by electrical instrumentation. The globes of the electrical machines, caressed by the operators’ hands
in order to produce electric fire, became the subject of another poem:
 
‘Each charm, by turns, reveal’d, must fuel prove,
To feed the gentle, lambent flame of love,
But most the beauties of the Bosom please,
Nor any female charm can vie with these!
The tempting seat of all that’s sweet and fair,
For Nature’s Electricity is there! ‘
 
At the end of the century the discovery of animal electricity provided new sources of inspiration for such kind of  literature. If the marquis De Sade suggested that the electric eel (or gymnotus electricus) could be employed as an instrument for sexual torture, other authors believed
that the power of conducting the electric fire was strictly related to virility. Their opinion was supported by the contemporary rumour that the Leyden experiment did not work on the castrati. The connection between electricity and virility/fertility stood at the core of the Temple of
Health and Hymen, the London extravaganza of a medicoelectrical quack, George Graham. Among the many prodigious cures electricity afforded in the Temple, the most requested was the Celestial Bed, a gigantic bed surrounded by electric vapours that – he claimed – helped couples fight
against barrenness.
 
When Franklin described his electric lunch, experimental apparatus was common enough for learned readers to  get the hilarity of his statement. Electrification of everyday life was still to come, yet excitement about the new science  of the Enlightenment was widespread, in academies and
salons. Electricity became the craze of the eighteenth century thanks to the thrilling demonstrations choreographed by lecturers and demonstrators that explained the role of the electric fire in the natural world with an eye to the tastes of their audiences. The instrument trade, the marketing of cultural products, the sociability of electrical experiments, all played a crucial role in spreading interest in the ‘youngest daughter of the sciences’.
References
 
 
Sparks in the dark: the attraction of electricity in the eighteenth century / By  Paola Bertucci. Endeavour , nr. 1,  September 2007


















17/11/2023

Ahead Of Her Time, Empress Elisabeth of Austria

 





 
 
 
 
At 28, The age when the most famous portrait of her was painted, Empress Elisabeth of Austria was the rare royal who looked in life like the fairytale version. Her portrait, by Franz Xaver Winterhalter, is one half of a pair of portraits, the other depicting her husband, Emperor Franz Joseph. She is dressed in diaphanous white, her shoulders bare, her skirts voluminous; there is a fan in her hand and her famous diamond stars in her famous hair. When their portraits are hung side by side, Franz Joseph is looking at Elisabeth. Elisabeth is looking at the viewer. Empress Eugénie of France called her “the loveliest crowned head in Europe,” and Franz Liszt called her “a celestial vision.” She was little loved among the palace ladies, but even one of her harshest critics had to admit that she was “almost supernaturally lovely.” Biographies give the distinct impression that every man she met fell instantly and irrevocably in love.
 
Elisabeth was fanatical about her beauty, her crown jewel carefully guarded. She was famous for her waist, a tight-laced 19 inches; her hair, which reached nearly to the floor; and her weight, which, until her death, fluctuated from just under 100 pounds to just over 110, always far too slight for a woman of her height. The tight lacing of her corset took an hour, and washing her hair in raw egg and brandy took up to three hours once a month. She had a language teacher with her to occupy this time, and she counted the hairs that had fallen from her head when it was done.
 
Her niece, Marie Larisch-Wallersee, wrote in her memoirs that her aunt’s “life’s task was to keep young, and she was always thinking about the best methods by which she could preserve her beauty.” She slept, sometimes, in a mask lined with raw veal and her body wrapped in wet towels to keep her waist small. When they were in season, she smeared her face with strawberries. “The Empress,” Marie Wallersee wrote, “took warm baths of olive oil, which she believed helped to preserve the suppleness of her figure, but on one occasion the oil was nearly boiling and she narrowly escaped the horrible death associated with many Christian martyrs.” She was perpetually starving to maintain her famous waist. Her mother worried that starving was “becoming an obsession,” and her husband wrote to her often to express his concern about “this terrible dieting,” his worry that she was becoming “too thin.”
 
No one knows, now, what she looked like in middle age, or older. At 38, 10 years after her famous portrait was painted, and at 48, at 58, for all intents and purposes, she was as beautiful as ever. Beginning in her thirties, she refused to be photographed, and later portraits of her are copied from earlier ones. The last artistic rendering she sat for was a sculpture, when she was 42. She lived to age 60, but there is a strange feeling almost as if she had died earlier. She created an image of herself as forever young and forever beautiful, an image adored in Austria and enshrined on commemorative cups and celluloid.
 
She left behind a kind of anorexic archive. In his 2010 book So Much Wasted: Hunger, Performance, and the Morbidity of Resistance, Patrick Anderson writes that anorexia is “an archival project of undoing and becoming,” a kind of Derridian archive fever. Just as Derrida, in his 1995 book Archive Fever, asserts that “[t]he archive always works, a priori, against itself,” Anderson argues that anorexia is “[l]ikewise oriented both as and against its own preservation.” “[A]norexia,” he writes, “archives its own compulsive rejections, even as the anorexic body disappears.” The anorexic body archives its starvation even as it disappears. So much wasted, so like Elisabeth. One of her ladies-in-waiting, Marie Festetics, once wrote,
 
“She seems to me like a child in a fairytale. The good fairies came, and each of them laid a splendid gift in her cradle, beauty, sweetness, grace … dignity, intelligence and wit. But then came the bad fairy and said “I see that everything has been given you, but I will turn these qualities against you and they shall bring you no happiness. […] Even your beauty will bring you nothing but sorrow.”
 
On the silver screen and the small one, Elisabeth still reigns—in a perennially popular film trilogy from the 1950s and, in the last few years alone, in two popular television shows and a much-lauded movie—always beautiful but always absent, her story more malleable for the space she left behind. Elisabeth, tied only loosely to historical memory, can be a Heimatfilm heroine or an anachronistic feminist. Count Egon Corti, one of Elisabeth’s earliest biographers, quoted another lady-in-waiting of Elisabeth’s as saying that she would “live on in legend, not in history.” She made sure of it, enshrining her image and erasing herself, leaving gaps in the archive that fiction rushed in to fill—leaving merely, to paraphrase Derrida, her lovely impression.
 
 
Elisabeth, also called Sisi, became Empress at 16. Her husband, Franz Joseph, was supposed to marry her older sister, but—the story goes—he fell in love with Elisabeth at first sight. Whether she seduced him, or unknowingly charmed him, or fell for him too but felt awful about it, varies in the many tellings. She was unpopular at court and left Vienna often, spending her time and her country’s money on many trips abroad. The kitschy Sissi trilogy of films from Ernst Marischka cast a young Romy Schneider as the idealized romantic lead. Franz Joseph, played by Karlheinz Böhm, is dressed like a Disney prince, and everything is all saturated Agfacolor. In Germany, the films play every year at Christmas—not Christmas movies, but movies with a Christmas feeling. And year-round, Sissi is everywhere in Austria; her face is on cups and postcards and chocolates.
 
Her beauty is the core of her legend and in the fiction built out of the remnants of her history. In life, her beauty was politically powerful, even if her own role was limited. During a visit to Italy—anti-Habsburg, a wellspring of revolutionary feeling—early in their marriage, Elisabeth was greeted with applause. The British Consul said that “Her Majesty’s exquisite beauty, her grace and affability, have all contributed to win the sympathy and welcome of the masses,” and her husband reportedly said that her beauty “conquered Italy better than his soldiers and cannons had been able to do.” The deal to create a dual monarchy with Hungary, quelling long-simmering Hungarian resentment, is thought by many historians to be Elisabeth’s doing, as her fondness for the Hungarians was well known.
 
This, her most significant and maybe only real political achievement, was a bargain built by her beauty: Gyula Andrássy, a central figure on the Hungarian side of the agreement long rumored to have been Elisabeth’s admirer or even lover, referred to her as “the beautiful Providence which watches over my country” and called her “the prize of all womanhood.” Franz, a reactionary who had only recently violently opposed greater autonomy for Hungary, could hardly say no to his wife’s beautiful face. Her beauty still has something of this ambassadorial quality. In nearly every place where she spent time—Madeira, Corfu, Vienna, Hungary—she is now a tourist attraction, with Sisi tours and events. In her Romy Schneider incarnation, she is immensely popular in China.
 
Elisabeth’s later years and legacy are marked by her efforts both to destroy and to preserve her image. She spent countless hours of her life in the struggle to be beautiful; she wanted to make something ephemeral eternal, and, in the end, she sort of got it. She wanted, it seems, to be seen and known for her beauty and to disappear, for fear of being found wanting. As she aged, she hid herself from others’ eyes, retreating behind veils and fans. A police agent assigned to her for protection on one of her many trips abroad recalled that she made “a tremendous lot of work for us” because “no one was allowed to look at her.” Marie Festetics, her lady-in-waiting, wrote that “an aide-de-camp (let alone an adjutant general) in view is enough to unsheathe all her weapons; out come the blue veil, the large parasol, the fan, and the next path that turns off the road is taken.” She sometimes wore an “impenetrable silver-gray gauze veil,” and sometimes it wasn’t even her behind it all. She once had her hairdresser, a woman of similar stature, put on her clothes and greet the gathered crowds in a foreign port, and when she went swimming off the coast of England, she had a maid, dressed in a matching bathing costume, enter the water at the same time accompanied by a guard, so the crowds that gathered on the nearby cliffs with spyglasses to their eyes could never be sure that they were seeing her. Many of her letters were destroyed, at her request, by a loyal lady-in-waiting; more were removed from official archives by her daughter after her death. Always, everywhere one looks for her, Elisabeth is slipping away.
 

 

She is ubiquitous elsewhere but has been—until, perhaps, recently—relatively unknown in the United States, where we like our beauty queens homegrown and Marilyn-miserable. I first came across her, I think—my memory fails—on a pro-ana website, pink text on a white background, pretty. I only looked, I never commented. I starved myself for years; sometimes I refused to eat and sometimes threw up everything I ate. I was obsessed with famous anorexics, starving girls and Christian mystics. “Anorexia,” Anderson writes, “compels its own archival drive, beckons us to seek the vicissitudes of its histories, stimulates a desire to encounter the ghosts of its historical presence.”
 
Elisabeth was an ancestor of sorts to anorexic girls on the internet, having assembled her own proto-pro-ana photo book. In 1862, she wrote to her brother, “I am creating a beauty album, and am now collecting photographs for it, only of women. Any pretty faces you can muster […] I ask you to send to me.” The same request went out, to some scandal, to Austrian diplomats in foreign countries. The albums remain, intact, in the archives.
 
She left behind her, too, traces of her body, flesh made text. As Maud Ellman notes in her 1993 book The Hunger Artists, anorexics have an affinity for writing, record-keeping, as if “fat is to be transubstantiated into prose.” Elisabeth always had a scale at hand, and like many an anorexic, she kept careful, compulsive track of her weight and measurements, writing them down daily. A Count Wilczek once recalled walking in on Elisabeth and Empress Eugénie of France, who, “with their backs turned to the door behind which [he] stood […] were busy with two tape measures, measuring surely the most handsome calves to be found in all of Europe at the time.”
 
The specifics of her diet and her exercise regimen were recorded by those who knew her, and later by her biographers, with the same painstaking attention as those details were recirculated on the anorexic internet. She often refused to come to dinner, and when she did, she ate “alarmingly little,” as one member of her entourage, Count von Rechberg, noted. “We too,” he complained, “have to suffer for this, for the whole meal, consisting of four courses, four desserts, and coffee, does not last more than twenty-five minutes.” Her diet at times consisted of milk, orange juice, beef broth, or a mixture of egg whites and salt, and she sometimes ate violet-flavored ice. Marie Festetics once wrote that “[s]he is so obsessed with the idea that she is getting stout. I believe that if I did not insist so often, she would long since have died of starvation.” For a time, she alternated “milk days” and “orange days,” on which she would eat nothing else.
 
Her life was a study in the constraints and freedoms available to the beautiful and wealthy; you can only escape to Madeira and Corfu if there’s someone footing the bill. Beauty is a kind of currency, and she was so beautiful that she could afford to be unreasonable. At the Hofburg, the primary residence of the royal family (though Elisabeth, whenever she could help it, was elsewhere), she had a large gymnasium installed and had gymnastic rings hanging from the ceiling in her dressing room. At her Hermesvilla, a manor in Vienna far from the crowds at court, which Franz Joseph had built for her in the vain hope that she might stay more often close to home, the gymnasium was the finest room of all. When she traveled, which was often, her exercise routine traveled with her, as did her cows, to ensure she had the highest-quality milk. She would ride for hours, as good or better than any man, and she did gymnastics and exercised with weights each morning and evening. When she went to England to participate in the hunt, she rented Combermere Abbey in Cheshire; before she arrived, she had a gym installed. When she gave up riding, she took up fencing and long walks. She would hike for hours, in any weather.
 
These habits were thought to make her modern—a match for her rumored insider’s anti-monarchism, her independent streak—but they mostly made her thin.
 
These records of her, weighed and measured, and the recollections by those who knew of her routines, replace any visual record of her body in later years, when she effaced herself, erased herself from the archives and nearly from life. (Self-starvation, Anderson writes, enacts “the continuous disappearance of the live.”)
 
I have my own starving archives; I still find, sometimes, in my bedroom at my parents’ house, notebooks with scribbled-down lists of calories eaten and burned, whole days when I know what I ate, what I weighed, how I moved, and what I measured. The first summer I starved myself, I ate only grapes and air-popped popcorn, women’s magazine snacks, descendants of Elisabeth’s oranges and milk. “One wonders,” Ellman writes, “what historians a hundred years from now will make of this new genre, these interminable inventories of the alimentary canal where dieters immortalize their every snack.” There is a kind of perverse pleasure in the genre, she suggests—in the way it ostensibly operationalizes writing as restraint when, at the same time, “one could also argue that they eat in order to keep writing, since every stolen morsel represents the pretext for a further composition. What is more, their words preserve their food for future delectation, deep-frozen or freeze-dried upon the page.” Anorexia, she writes, has “provoked this orgy of verbosity”—it creates an urge to archive.
 
Derrida asserts that the archive begins right as memory starts to disintegrate. I starved myself for years, consuming coffee and carrots; any meal I couldn’t refuse I could refuse to keep down. I remember little of it—some bad decisions, some binges, some nights on the bathroom floor with a book. Every so often, I search “eating disorder memory loss” online and turn up studies on the many memory disturbances found in those with eating disorders, including, most severely, some in which researchers have identified Wernicke-Korsakoff syndrome—a rare disorder characterized by extreme memory loss—in some cases of anorexia. Anderson writes that “[w]hat some clinicians summarize as a ‘disorientation in place and time,’ this disintegration of the function of memory enacts an almost literal incarnation of Derrida’s archive fever as simultaneous destruction and preservation.”
 
 
The Sissi films, by far the most popular portrayal of Elisabeth, give her fairytale face a fairytale story. She has a husband who loves her and subjects who adore her; she is always full of hope. They end with Elisabeth in her thirties. A fourth film was planned, but Schneider—as eager to distance herself from the image of Elisabeth as Elisabeth was herself—refused to participate, lending the movies a kind of metarealism. But while Schneider’s Sissi is the prototypical portrayal of Elisabeth, it is far from the only one. She has been the subject of novels and made-for-TV movies, and, in the last few years alone, the recent Netflix series The Empress, the German television channel RTL’s show Sisi, and the movie Corsage.
 
The Empress and Sisi both wear history lightly: both protagonists are gorgeous girlbosses with hearts of gold. In the former, Franz Joseph is well intentioned and kind, and the plot centers on a (fictional) attempted coup by his brother; in the latter, Franz Joseph is probably evil but in a sexy way, and the plot centers around a rebel plot to kill him (fictional in the specifics, though a Hungarian nationalist did attempt to assassinate him before he married Elisabeth). In both, as in the Sissi movies, Elisabeth’s beauty is a given, a gift: her starving, if mentioned, is the brief result of her occasional grief, while her love of riding and walking are signs of her independence or her naturalness, not her obsessiveness.





 
Corsage, however, is a rare depiction of Elisabeth in middle age, and takes her eating disorder as a primary concern. From the moment the movie starts, Elisabeth, played by Vicky Krieps—her face cold, the skin barely concealing the contemptuous muscles of her jaw—is being weighed and measured, surrounded by dumbbells and gymnastics equipment. At her birthday party, the guests sing a song with the refrain “Beautiful may she remain” when the cake comes out. Elisabeth refuses to eat. The movie is not a historical drama so much as an archival one, its purposeful anachronisms emblematic of the gaps in history. While she is in her brocaded rooms, her husband stands waiting outside in a bare concrete hallway lined with stacks of chairs, looking less like a room in a castle than a staging area.
 
Krieps—who previously, in 2018’s Phantom Thread, acted out intense desire born of or enabled by unyielding hunger, exacting standards, and disturbing illness—plays Elisabeth not as frigid, exactly, despite what so many biographers want to insist. To be hungry all the time is, after all, to be constantly wanting—and what she wants is to be wanted. The Sissi movies, of course, are all romance and no sex, the recent TV shows sexy, soap-soaked, and silly. In Corsage, it seems that Elisabeth gets off on her beauty, or on the recognition of it. When she is in England, her riding companion, Bay Middleton (a man as obviously in love with her in the movie as he was rumored to be in life), comes to her, at her request. She is dressed in only a corset and riding pants. “Do you think I’m beautiful?” she asks him, with him on his knees in front of her. The camera shifts from her face to his eyes, and back. He tells her, “You’re sunshine. You’re the fucking sun.” He moves his hands up her thighs—we watch them watch each other, close—but then he realizes: “That was all you wanted, wasn’t it?” She tilts her head, nodding slightly, and replies, “I love to look at you looking at me.” When he leaves, she makes herself come in the bath.
 
In another scene, her husband sits on the bed, and she tells him to look at her, not to stop, while she makes herself come. What she cannot stand is any slight to her beauty. The emperor, looking at a new portrait of her, one painted from earlier portraits when she refused to sit, tells her that the painting is lovely. He means it, but he also means to hurt. “I wonder,” he muses, “how you managed to look so young.”
 
In the film’s final third, Elisabeth appears heavily veiled at an event, looking ever so slightly stouter. The camera shifts; Elisabeth is inside shooting up (the real-life Elisabeth’s cocaine needle is in an Austrian museum), and the woman in the veil—her lady-in-waiting, Marie—runs in, unable to breathe through the lacing of the corset she is wearing. The film’s ending is its most effusive, sweeping departure from history. Elisabeth cuts off her famous hair and has it made into a wig. She gorges on candies and instructs Marie, her nascent body double: “Three orange days a week, clear beef broth in the evening, lean meat if you want. Nothing more. No potatoes, no bread, no dumplings. And no pastry, for God’s sake.” Marie begins to be weighed while Elisabeth begins to eat cake, and at the end, like Edna Pontellier in petticoats, she jumps into the sea, effacing and replacing herself completely.
 
Among on-screen depictions of the empress, only Corsage’s relationship to history is more melancholic than mythic, interested in dwelling in the spaces left in the archive instead of skipping over them. Freud, for his part, considered anorexia a kind of melancholy, though the history of the disease is also bound up with the history of hysteria. Melancholics and hysterics both, in the words of Caryl Flinn, are “people who remember too much. Specialists in the past, they are consummate historians.” Anorexics, consummate historians, chroniclers of their own disappearance—which is to say, archivists, writing everything down, memory laced tight through holes.
 
 
Corsage is slow, circling; it repeats Elisabeth’s refusal to eat much at all, her compulsive exercise. It recognizes what so few accounts of anorexia do, that anorexia is less a plot than a pattern. Many narratives of anorexia follow a familiar narrative of recovery, tracing the onset of illness, the rock-bottom weight, the treatment, and finally recovery. These narratives forget that many never recover, and even those who do are recovering forever, another repetitive behavior. “[N]o repetition compulsion,” writes Derrida, “no ‘mal-de’ can arise for a person who is not already, in one way or another, en mal d’archive”—there can be no sickness that is not, in some way, an illness of the archives.
 
Towards the end of Elisabeth’s life, a doctor who examined her found that she was suffering from edema caused by starvation, a condition more commonly associated with soldiers in wartime than empresses at resorts by the sea, but she had been starving for so long. Hers was the diet of someone who had to die to be beautiful, and just might. In the end, though, it wasn’t the starving that killed her; it was an anarchist, concerned not with her body but with her crown (he intended to kill a different royal, but didn’t time it right). While Elisabeth was out walking in Geneva, a man named Luigi Lucheni peered under her parasol, then stabbed her in the ribs with a needle. One version of the story has it that she didn’t die on the spot because of how closely her famous corset held the knife in place, though it seems too neat a metaphor for the paradox of beauty’s privation and protection to be true.
 
When he was asked about his motives, Lucheni kept repeating, “Only those who work are entitled to eat.” He can’t have known that his phrasing would scan almost as a joke. She died starving and worked hard at it.
 
In Corsage, an early scene shows the Empress at a museum opening in Vienna. A man tells her they are fortunate that there are so many depictions of her in the city. She is absent so much that “we almost think of Majesty as a phantom,” he says, as if, even before death, she existed more as image than flesh. After she died, she was brought back to Vienna, her perpetual point of departure, to be buried. The Viennese were eager to gaze at her famous body. (At their darkest, the websites I used to read laid out the fantasy of being a beautiful corpse.)
 
Her subjects waited in line for hours to see her. But her coffin, of course, was closed.
 
Empress Elisabeth and the Archives of Anorexia. By Meghan Racklin   Los Angeles Review of Books, October 20, 2023  






he 19th-century Empress Elisabeth of Austria is everywhere in Vienna: on chocolate boxes, on bottles of rosé, on posters around the city. The Greek antiques she collected are at Hermesvilla, on the city outskirts; her hearse is at Schönbrunn Palace, the former summer residence of the Hapsburg royal family; and her cocaine syringe and gym equipment are on display at the Hofburg, which was the monarchy’s central Vienna home.

 These traces paint an enticing, but incomplete, picture of an empress who receded from public life not long after entering it, and spent most of her time traveling the world to avoid her own court. She had a tattoo on her shoulder; drank wine with breakfast; and exercised two to three times a day on wall bars and rings in her rooms. These eccentricities, combined with her refusal to have her picture taken after her early 30s, fueled an air of mystery around her.

 Now, nearly 125 years after Elisabeth’s assassination, at age 60, two new productions — a new Netflix series called “The Empress” and a film called “Corsage” that debuted at the Cannes Film Festival in May and will hit American theaters on Dec. 23 — offer their own ideas.

 “Growing up in Austria, , she was the main tourist magnet, aside from Mozart,” said Marie Kreutzer, who wrote and directed “Corsage.” Nevertheless, she added, Elisabeth, who was married to Emperor Franz Josef I, is largely a mystery. “Her image is one you can reimagine and reinterpret and fill with your own imagination, because we have a lot of stories about her, but you don’t know if they’re true,” Kreutzer said.

The moody, intellectual and beauty-obsessed empress has had many reincarnations.

 While alive, Elisabeth, who also went by “Sisi,” traveled constantly, often to Hungary, Greece and England, and was rarely seen by the Viennese public. In private, she wrote poetry, rode horses and hunted, hiked high into the Alps, read Shakespeare, studied classical and modern Greek, took warm baths in olive oil and wore leather masks filled with raw veal as part of her skin care routine.

 



 “She was such a recluse,” said Michaela Lindinger, a curator at the Wien Museum, who has studied Elisabeth for more than two decades and wrote “My Heart Is Made of Stone: The Dark Side of the Empress Elisabeth,” a book about the Empress that inspired “Corsage.” “People didn’t see her, and she didn’t want to be seen,” Lindinger said.

 Nevertheless, she was the empress of Austria, and later the queen of Hungary, too, so she was widely discussed. “No matter how much she fled the attention and scrutiny and the court, she was always pursued,” said Allison Pataki, who wrote two historical novels about Elisabeth, “The Accidental Empress” and “Sisi: Empress on Her Own.” “She was thrust into the spotlight as this young girl who was chosen by the emperor, in large part because of her physical beauty.”

After Elisabeth was killed by an anarchist in Switzerland, in 1898, she became an object of fascination throughout the Hapsburg Empire, and her image appeared on commemorative coins and in memorial pictures. In the 1920s, a series of novels about her were published, focusing on her love life.

 During the 1950s, the “Sissi” film trilogy, starring Romy Schneider, revived Elisabeth as a happy-go-lucky Disney princess come to life, clad in bouncy pastel dresses and beloved by animals and people alike. The syrupy films, which appear on German and Austrian TV screens every Christmas, are part of the “Heimatfilm” genre, which emerged in the German-speaking world after World War II and feature beautiful scenes of the countryside, clear-cut morals and a world untouched by conflict.

 “I grew up watching the Romy Schneider movies in a campy way,” said Katharina Eyssen, the show runner and head author for “The Empress,” who is from Bavaria, in southern Germany. As played by Schneider, Elisabeth is “just a good-hearted girl that has no inner conflicts,” she said.

 Eyssen’s take on Elizabeth, played by Devrim Lingnau in “The Empress,” is feistier, wilder and edgier than Schneider’s. The series opens shortly before Elisabeth meets her future husband (and cousin), during his birthday celebrations in Bad Ischl, Austria. As the story goes, Franz Josef was expected to propose to Elisabeth’s older sister, Duchess Helene in Bavaria, but he changed his mind once he saw Elisabeth.

 Where Schneider’s eyes sparkle with joy and excitement, Lingnau’s are heavier and signal a darker inner world

In the biographies Eyssen read while developing the show, she said, Elisabeth’s character is portrayed as “difficult, fragile, almost bipolar, melancholic.” But Eyssen didn’t fully buy this perspective. “There has to be a creative and passionate force, otherwise she wouldn’t have survived that long,” she said.

 Much of what is known about the empress’s personal life comes from her poems, as well as letters and written recollections from her children, her ladies-in-waiting and her Greek tutor. “She’s a myth in so many ways,” Kreutzer said. “It was a different time, there was no media as there is today. There are so few photographs of her.”

 After her early 30s, Elisabeth refused to have her picture taken, and the last time she sat for a painting was at age 42. Photos and paintings of her that are dated later are either retouched, or composites. “She wanted to stay in the memory of the people as the eternally young queen,” Lindinger said.






“Corsage” goes further than “The Empress” down the dark pathways of Elisabeth’s character, offering a punk-gothic portrait of the empress at 40, as a deeply troubled soul who grasps for levity and freedom in the stifling atmosphere of the Hapsburg court. She smokes, she’s obsessed with exercise and the sea, and she weighs herself daily (all true, according to historians).

 The title of the movie, in German, translates as “corset.” Famously, Elisabeth maintained a 50-centimeter waistline throughout her life.

Kreutzer and Vicky Krieps, who stars as Elisabeth, decided that, for the sake of authenticity, Krieps would wear a corset like the Empress’s during filming.

 “It’s a real torture instrument,” Krieps said. “You can’t breathe, you can’t feel. The ties are on your solar plexus, not on your waist.” She said she almost gave up on filming because of how miserable the corset made her.

 Kreutzer also noticed a change in Krieps, with whom she had worked on another movie several years earlier, that began during one of the first fittings.

  “She became slightly impatient with the women working on it and the women who were surrounding her and touching her,” she said. “I know now it was the physical tension and pain that made her feel unwell and act differently than I know her to be. It was like her getting into the skin of somebody else.

Having grown up on the Romy Schneider films, Krieps said she felt as a teenager that there was something darker in the empress that was being shielded from view, and started to relate to the entrapment she imagined Elisabeth had felt during her life.

After Krieps went through puberty, she said, “suddenly I had a sexuality and my body was always related to this sexuality.” Later, as a mother, she said, “my body became something like a prison,” and society expected her to be an entirely different person.

She began to see in Elisabeth’s struggles with her body and the roles assigned to her as “a heightened version of something every woman experiences,” she said.

The final years of Elisabeth’s life have remained largely unexplored in popular culture. (“Corsage” takes artistic liberties with the portrayal of her death.) After Elisabeth’s only son, Crown Prince Rudolf, killed himself in 1889, her longstanding depression became deeper and more permanent. While sailing on her yacht, Miramar, she would sit on the deck even in bad weather, her ever-present black lace parasol her only defense against the rain and breaking waves, according to “Sisi: Myth and Truth” by Katrin Unterreiner. Once, during a heavy storm, she had herself tied to a chair above deck. According to her Greek tutor, Constantin Christomanos, she said: “I am acting like Odysseus because the waves lure me.”

Pataki, the novelist, said that throughout her life, Elisabeth fought against the constricting role of being an empress. From her poems, intellectual pursuits and travels, it appears as though Elisabeth was always looking outward, imagining herself anywhere but where she was. In one poem from 1880, she gave a hint of what she might have been thinking during all the time she spent on the deck of the Miramar: “I am a sea gull from no land/I do not call any one beach my home./I am not tied by any one place,/I fly from wave to wave.”

In some ways, Pataki said, she might have felt more comfortable in today’s society than in 19th-century Vienna. “Her primary role and the expectation put on her was, have sons, produce heirs,” Pataki said. “But Sisi was very ahead of her time in wanting more for herself as a woman, an individual, a wife and a leader.”


An Empress Ahead of Her Time Is Having a Pop Culture Moment. By Valeriya Safronova. The New York Times, October 7, 2022. 














I collect women.  The saved tab of my Instagram account contains—in addition to recipes, funny videos I intend to DM to crushes, and nimble axioms on wellness in pastel fonts—images of women, each serving a purpose for the ongoing Frankenstein project that is me: a haircut I want to get, an outfit I want to buy, a body I want to emulate. Sisi did the same, albeit without the algorithms that permit us to assemble our little archives in relative seclusion. “I am creating a beauty album,” she wrote to her brother-in-law in 1862, “and am now collecting photographs for it, only of women. Any pretty faces you can muster at Angerer’s”—i.e., Hapsburg court photographer Ludwig Angerer’s— “or other photographers, I ask you to send me.” How embarrassing.

 
The West has a grand tradition of Women with Too Much Time on Their Hands. Empress Elisabeth of Austria, a key if underappreciated figure in this history, was struck with all the listlessness and suffering of a modern heroine. The Bavarian princess, born in 1837 and known to all as Sisi, enjoyed an unusually informal upbringing, then married Emperor Franz Joseph I at the age of sixteen. Elisabeth had a famously difficult time at court, spending most of her never-ending leisure hours clashing with her mother-in-law, sympathizing with the democratic yearnings of the people, traveling solo (whenever she could), and assembling a collection of some two thousand photographs. She organized these images into albums, which will be on view at Cologne’s Museum Ludwig in an exhibition opening October 24.
 
The show is titled “Sisi in Private,” but what kind of privacy displays itself for posterity? Are we violating her privacy or operating on the assumption that she didn’t really want it—or that the dead don’t deserve it? In her own lifetime, Sisi brooked the growing pains of celebrity. There is no feminine pathology, however private, that has not metastasized into its own aesthetic, and celebrity itself is a kind of metastasized subjectivity—one we now all share.
 
Sisi called her most remarkable compendiums “albums of beauty,” and I believe she had to in order to procure their contents—photographs of beautiful women. But the subtext of these images in the aggregate hints at something sexier and unspeakable, the early stirrings of a new affect that had yet to be named but was keenly embodied by the leg-flashing courtesans Sisi pored over (racier photographs were supplied to her by Parisian ambassadors). The word Beauty is freighted with moral baggage, exclusion, a certain Latinate stuffiness that, along with most Western ideals, has not aged well. Now everyone wants to be hot—the term has the punch of cruder diction. It’s queer, not as hopelessly cathected to whiteness, and infinitely more flexible than beauty. Now fully fledged and preening under its own rubric, hot is smarter than beautiful, more seductive, more self-aware, and for those reasons, sinister. It is the revenge of the libido after generations of limp, lifeless perfection. The direct gaze of Manet’s Olympia, coupled with her louche, specific, unidealized body, is what made her so unsettling to a bourgeois audience. The Black woman standing near her, as Lorraine O’Grady writes in her watershed 1992 essay “Olympia’s Maid,” exemplifies “the West’s construction of non-white women as not-to-be-seen.” Her erasure is its own form of objectification, helping to produce the new affect Olympia so boldly models.




 
In Ways of Seeing, John Berger noted that glamour, another uniquely modern phenomenon, is contingent on the object of the gaze knowing it is being looked at; its engine is the creation of envy. Hot is similarly an attitude, a highly subjective synthesis of sex and attention cultivated in private and then projected outward. It’s not hiding from the gaze so much as smirking back, because we now know privacy is a joke. In an essay reprinted in the show’s accompanying catalogue, Olivia Gruber Florek juxtaposes T. J. Clark’s remarks on the gaze of Manet’s Olympia with descriptions of the frank expressions in the photographs of Parisian prostitutes in one of Sisi’s albums—photographs intermingled with reproductions of paintings by Franz Xaver Winterhalter, the German painter known for his idealized portraits of the European upper crust. Sisi deconstructed the modern gaze despite herself, while it was still being established. And then she was murdered—stabbed to death by an assassin in 1898.
 
Both modern painting and the camera informed the development of modern subjectivity. Sisi’s uncle, King Ludwig I of Bavaria, had his own “gallery of beauties,” which would have been familiar to the young princess. Ludwig commissioned these portraits of women and handpicked the models, who ranged from family members and fellow aristocrats to anonymous peasants. It was a public, patriarchal template for Sisi’s albums. Do the albums really record a private practice, then? Look at this woman. Do you think I could get away with her haircut?
 
I believe everyone is an artist, and lacking title or institutional pedigree, anxiety can manifest in ways as compelling as what we call art. In Sisi’s albums, we see the etiology of our own pathologies preserved like pressed flowers. There is a poignancy and a fascination in them, bordering on hotness, but not quite escaping the onus of beauty.
 
Beauty Queen. Christina Catherine Martinez on “Sisi in Private”. Art Forum, October-November 2020.







Earlier this month, fashion's fanciest gathered in Salzburg for the annual Chanel Métiers d'Art collection. The runway show, meant to showcase the brand's couture bona fides, was held in a palace, featured Alpine-inspired looks and models looped around a centerpiece laden with fruits and sweets. To launch the festivities, Karl Lagerfeld made a short film imagining Pharrell Williams and Cara Delevingne as a pair of glamorous Austrian royals.
 
US Weekly cooed: "Pharrell Williams, Cara Delevingne Channel a Prince and Princess for Chanel Short Film: See the Glam Clip!" Well, that "prince and princess" are better known as Franz Joseph and Elisabeth, emperor and empress of Austria, the last major ruler of the Habsburgs and one of nineteenth-century Europe's most famously beautiful women, respectively. Empress Elisabeth, not actually a princess, is best known as Sisi.
 
In the English-speaking world, Sisi is admittedly a deep cut, as female royals go. If there's an Austrian aristo most Americans can name, it's Marie Antoinette, daughter of Habsburg empress Maria Theresa. (But of course, hardly anybody remembers the ill-fated French queen was born in Vienna.) Still, Sisi remains a byword for glamour, one that designers drop when they want to conjure opulence without the guillotines. Since her death, she's inspired a Barbara Cartland novel, a trilogy of beloved Austrian films, an entire cottage tourism industry and, oddly enough, Jessica Simpson's wedding gown. She gets a loving paragraph in Diana Vreeland's memoirs, D.V.:
 
    “And Elisabeth, Empress of Austria and Queen of Hungary, is one of my heroines…. Elisabeth adored her hair, took great care of her hair…. perhaps you remember the great Winterhalter portrait. She was one of the first modern women. She was one of the first women who did exercises, one of the first who did gymnastics, and one night a week she'd go to bed in special sheets of bath toweling packed in beefsteaks—for her skin. Apparently, she never looked older than thirty—ever.”
 
Sisi was also one of the most famously miserable royals who ever drew a breath. She despised the snotty, formal Habsburg court and spent as much time as possible far from Vienna and her dutiful, plodding husband. Shy to a degree that was practically paralyzing, she loathed public appearances and dodged them whenever she could—far too often, critics said. She feuded endlessly with her adamantine-willed mother-in-law. She spent years drifting around Europe, writing maudlin poetry, bemoaning her (very, very privileged) life. She was a complicated, high-strung woman who emphatically refused to live by others' rules; unfortunately, she couldn't seem to hammer out her own code, either. Her story is a bracing corrective to every princess trope Disney has ever pumped into popular culture. And now she's remembered, by and large, as a pretty lady with a tiara.
 
History does strange things to dead women.
 
 
 
Let's orient ourselves, using Princess Diana as our royal North Star. Sisi's story overlaps significantly with that of the People's Princess: Both married young and naive, both were saddled with domineering mothers-in-law, both grew into beautiful, glamorous and tragic figures, and in both cases, it didn't take Susan Miller to see trouble coming.
 
But there's a pretty major difference in how their stories open: Prince Charles came to his marriage grudgingly, and Diana was practically pulled from a lineup of perfect princess candidates. With Sisi, it was obvious from the beginning she was dreadfully unsuited to the job—but the young emperor Franz Joseph wanted her, and that was that.
 
Jean Haslip's The Lonely Empress records Sisi's birth in 1837, in Munich, one of eight siblings. She was a Wittelsbach, a member of the ruling family of Bavaria, though not (and this is important) from the branch that actually sat on the throne. The family had a longstanding reputation for kookiness; Sisi's cousin Ludwig would later fritter away much of their dynastic fortune building castles like Neuschwanstein, an enormous and enormously tacky homage to Richard Wagner that's said to have inspired Cinderella's castle at DisneyLand. Sisi's father Max was famously eccentric, with his drinking and his liberalism and his raucous crew of artsy and intellectual friends. He didn't much stand on ceremony, and he had little patience for courtly rigamarole.
 
Franz Joseph, the man who'd make Sisi an empress, was practically an animate sack of courtly rigamarole. He found himself on the throne at 18. That was thanks in no small part to his mother, the Bavarian-born Archduchess Sophie, who redefined the term formidable. Seemingly every account that mentions her claims that Sophie was for a time known as "the only man in the Hofburg." Apocryphal, maybe, but certainly telling. When the upheavals of 1848 drove out Prince Metternich—the foreign minister and legendary political scheme who'd helped reassemble Europe after Wellington finally stomped Napoleon, as well as less-than-effective Emperor Ferdinand—Sophie made sure her husband took a pass on the throne so it skipped to their son, Franz Joseph. (For more on this fancy bit of governmental footwork, see Andrew Wheatcroft's Habsburgs: Embodying Empire.) They put off the democracy-demanding hordes by swapping the old boss out for a younger, much better-looking new boss.
 

This woman who so thoroughly influenced Franz Joseph in his early years was a dyed-in-the-wool reactionary. She believed in the rituals and the ceremony and the formalities. She wasn't the type to give two shits whether a daughter-in-law felt stifled. From Brigitte Hamann's The Reluctant Empress (noticing a theme, here?):
 
    “Archduchess Sophie was still entirely caught up in eighteenth-century thinking. She had no high opinion of individualism, let alone emotion, as an element in court politics—in contrast to her daughter-in-law-to-be. On one occasion, Sophie wrote to Princess Metternich that one should not believe "that individual personalities have any significance." She had always noticed that one person was replaced by another, without making the slightest difference in the world.”




 
Sophie was Sisi's aunt, and for various personal and political reasons, she liked the idea of her son marrying one of her sister Ludovika's daughters (because that's the way you roll when you're European royalty, I guess). Specifically, she liked the looks of Helene, Sisi's older sister. Sophie and Ludovika arranged a meeting in the Austrian resort town of Bad Ischl, but their plan went sideways when Franz Joseph fell for Sisi practically on sight. Sophie described their meeting in a letter to Marie of Saxony, via Hamann: "He beamed, and you know how his face can beam when he is happy. The dear little one did not suspect the deep impression she had made on Franzi."
 
Don't mistake that anecdote for wholehearted approval. Sophie also wrote: "He told me, his expression beaming, that he found Sisi charming. I begged him not to act rashly, to think the matter over carefully, but he felt that it would not be right to delay." According to her diary, he praised her "soft, lovely eyes," her "lips like strawberries," calling her "fresh as a budding almond." Sisi was, for the record, 15, and not really in the position to turn him down. (She apparently burst out to Sophie: "I love the Emperor so much! If only he were not the Emperor!")
 
And so a moody teenaged girl married into one of the stuffiest, fussiest courts in Europe. It did not go well.
 
When Sisi arrived, the Austrian aristocracy didn't exactly roll out the welcome wagon. As far as they were concerned, she might as well have been born in a barn. (Presumably plenty of mommas were miffed their daughters hadn't gotten a fair shot if this sort of girl was the final selection.) Nor did she have the necessary training—her wardrobe, education in Austrian history and crash-course in protocol were all rush jobs. Nor did Sisi turn the charm up to eleven. She couldn't cope well with the crowds and the pressure. Hamann writes:
 
       "At the sight of so many strangers, the young Empress panicked and fled to an adjoining room, where she broke out in tears. We can easily imagine the whispering among the ladies in full regalia waiting for the bride in the audience chamber. When Sisi finally joined the reception exhausted and unsteady, her face tear-stained, she provided new food for gossip. For she was too timid to make conversation with each of the ladies presented to her. According to protocol, however, no one was allowed to speak to the Empress except to reply to questions."
 
Wrote one witness, Baron Karl Kübeck, in his diary (via Hamann): "On the podium and among the spectators, jubilation and expectant joy. Behind the scenes, increasingly somber, very somber signs."
 
A sampling of the sort of poetry she was writing almost immediately after her wedding: "Fresh spring returns/And trims the trees with new green/And teaches new songs to the birds/And makes the flowers bloom more beautifully./But what is springtime bliss to me/Here in the faraway, strange land?/I long for the sun of home,/ I long for the banks of the Isar." (Another poem contains the line, "I have awakened in a dungeon,/With chains on my hands.") You can't really blame her, considering she married into the sort of situation where the whole palace knew the morning after she'd been deflowered. She was expected to offer her subjects her hand for the kissing, even if they were friends or relatives. She wasn't allowed to wear a pair of shoes more than once.
 
Sisi grew increasingly miserable, and her mother-in-law bore the brunt. She didn't like the micromanaging, the constant correction of her behavior, the fact that one of Sophie's closest friends was assigned as lady-in-waiting and therefore followed her everywhere. Their relationship went from bad to worse when the empress began having children. Sophie took charge of their upbringing, parking the nursery closer to her apartments than Sisi's. Years later Elisabeth told one of her ladies in waiting, after the birth of her fourth (and favorite) child (via Hamann):
 
       "Only now do I understand what bliss a child means. Now I have finally had the courage to love the baby and keep it with me. My other children were taken away from me at once. I was permitted to see the children only when Archduchess Sophie gave permission. She was always present when I visited the children. Finally I gave up the struggle and went upstairs only rarely."
 
But slowly, surely, Sisi began to act out. She welcomed her brother's wife into the family—an actress who'd already borne him a daughter out of wedlock. She donated to help a Protestant congregation build a steeple—and remember, the Habsburgs were once Holy Roman Emperors. She took increasingly liberal political stances, increasingly loudly. She threw balls but invited only young people, not their higher-ranking mothers.
 
In 1860, her health collapsed. It's not entirely clear why, but historians speculate that her punishing exercise regimen and aggressive diets—which, to a modern eye, look awfully like disordered eating—might've contributed. Her son's birth in 1858 was hard. She was coughing constantly. Then there were rumors Franz Joseph had taken a mistress. Whatever the reasons, she decamped to Madeira for several months, returned, temporarily, then took off for Corfu. And when she returned, she came into her prime.
 
For one thing, she'd grown into a full-blown beauty and she knew it. The famous portrait by Franz Xaver Winterhalter (which appears in Lagerfeld's short film) was painted in 1865. So often, you look at portraits of famous beauties and think, "Eh." Looks just don't translate very well from generation to generation. But you look at that and the racier companion painting, and you can see it. The delicate features, the piles and piles of hair. She has the coquettish little closed-mouth smile of Vivien Leigh or a young Elizabeth Taylor.
 
"The Empress, as I have often told you before, is a wonder of beauty—tall, beautifully formed, with a profusion of bright brown hair, a low Greek forehead, gentle eyes, very red lips, a sweet smile, a low musical voice, and a manner partly timid, partly gracious," Hamann quotes an American envoy writing home in 1864—the famously lovely Empress had become one of Vienna's great tourist attractions even then. But she hated being on display. Her lady-in-waiting Marie Festetics repeats a conversation about gawking theatergoers: "How happy the people are when they see Your Majesty," she said, with Elisabeth replying,"Oh, yes, they're curious—whenever there's something to see, they come running, for the monkey dancing at the hurdy-gurdy just as much as for me."
 
Two years after that portrait was painted came her greatest triumph: Her coronation with Franz Joseph as King and Queen of Hungary. This may sound like a matter of procedure, but in fact it was a major break with the beginning of her husband's reign, which had launched with the bloody repression of a Hungarian break for freedom. But things had changed by the late 1860s. By this point, the Habsburgs' domain was a cobbled-together jalopy rolling down the road of history, wheels rattling loudly, parts of varying importance flying off. They lost a province here, an ally there. Nationalism was an increasingly powerful force, eroding the bonds that held this polyglot empire together. (Ultimately a Serbian nationalist would shoot Franz Joseph's heir, Franz Ferdinand, and launch the war that brought the whole thing crashing down around their ears.) Plus, the 1866 Austro-Prussian War pretty much snatched their power among the German states. They couldn't lose Hungary.
 
How exactly to hang on to Hungary—that was the question. They wanted their constitution back, as well as a Hungarian coronation for Franz Joseph (a nod to Hungary as an entity separate from Austria). Sophie loathed the country, and Franz Joseph's old-guard advisors largely opposed any leniency or special recognition. (Plus, the emperor had survived an assassination attempt at the hands of a Hungarian in 1853.) Naturally, in contrast to her mother-in-law, Sisi had developed a capital-R Romantic love for the country and an admiration for the dashing leader Gyula Andrássy, and she maneuvered relentlessly on their behalf, pestering her husband incessantly, bringing all her charms to bear, wearing him down as he considered his options. Ultimately, he agreed to the dual monarchy.
 
The coronation itself was pretty much peak Sisi. Haslip quotes Franz Liszt, who wrote that, "Erzsebet was a celestial vision." There's a reproduction of the gown she wore on display in Vienna today, and it's stunning:
 
It was around this time that Franz Joseph's younger brother Maximilian was killed, the culmination of his fucking fool attempt to become emperor of Mexico at the urging of Napoleon III. (Yes, that really happened.) Between that and the ascendance of Hungary, Sophie was pretty much finished as a force to be reckoned with. That dragon was vanquished.
 
If you rolled the credits here, it would still be possible to see Sisi's story as a fairy tale. But of course, life doesn't work like that.
 
The young Sisi makes a sympathetic figure, but the deeper you get into her life, she's increasingly frustrating. Most of the information in this article comes from Haslip's fairly straightforward 1965 biography and Hamann's more overtly feminist 1986 work. Haslip often seems downright disgusted with her subject. Hamann puts Elisabeth's unhappiness in context, and yet you still get the feeling she occasionally wants to screech at the woman. As one of Sisi's own ladies in waiting wrote (via Haslip):
 
        "The Empress is sweet and good, but she makes everything a burden for herself, and what to others is a source of happiness becomes for her a source of discontent. She seems to me like a child in a fairytale. The good fairies came, and each of them laid a splendid gift in her cradle, beauty, sweetness, grace… dignity, intelligence and wit. But then came the bad fairy and said 'I see that everything has been given you, but I will turn these qualities against you and they shall bring you no happiness. I will deprive you of something which a man bears within him unconsciously—moderation in your actions, occupations, thoughts and sensibilities. Nothing will bring you happiness, everything will turn against you. Even your beauty will bring you nothing but sorrow and you will never find peace."
 
You see this theme more and more, the longer you watch Sisi's life unspool. After the coronation she played little role in politics. She spent long stretches in Hungary, Bavaria and other assorted European locales; she had little to discuss with her prosaic husband back in Vienna. The decades were dominated by passions that flared and then were just as quickly dropped: Her mania for horses, which took her "riding to hounds" in England and Ireland; her villa in Greece, built at tremendous expense and promptly abandoned; the spiritualist period, which was admittedly de rigeur for the nineteenth century. She wrote reams and reams of maudlin poetry, often painting herself as the untouchable fairy queen Titania. The effort dedicated to maintaining her looks intensified. Her niece Marie Latisch outlined a wide variety of outlandish beauty measures: "nightly face masks with raw veal, during strawberry season a strawberry mask, warm olive-oil baths to maintain the smoothness of her skin…. 'damp cloths over her hips to maintain her slenderness, and for the same reason, she drank a dreadful mixture of five or six egg whites with salt.'"
 
Her behavior was growing strange, too. Her daughter Valerie (13 at the time) wrote in 1881 in her diary: "Mama had a very strong bath, and when I went in to her, she could not stop laughing, the bath had made her completely nervous. I was afraid, but fortunately she is already well again today." Four years later, she wrote during one of Sisi's illnesses: "Much worse than the ailment is Mama's indescribable despair and hopelessness. She says that it is a torment to be alive, and she indicates that she wants to kill herself."
 
She also told poor Valerie things like, "I really love nobody but you… the whole of that capacity for loving which has hitherto been imprisoned in my heart I have poured out upon you" (via Haslip) and (via Hamann): "Marriage is an absurd arrangement. One is sold as a fifteen-year-old child and makes a vow one does not understand and then regrets for thirty years or more, and which one can never undo again." Fair to the institution of monarchical marriage, perhaps, but not a particularly kind thing to say to a daughter who loves her father, too.
 
In 1889 came the greatest catastrophe of Sisi and Franz Joseph's lives. Their son Rudolf died at his hunting lodge, Mayerling, as part of a suicide pact; he shot his young mistress then several hours later put a bullet through his own brain. He was their only son, and he died without an heir, which is the only reason Franz Ferdinand ever found himself in the historical spotlight.
 
After Mayerling, Sisi's spa-to-spa drifting intensified, as everyone around her fretted about her dark depressive spells. She was on yet another trip—Geneva, this time—when she was stabbed on the street by an anarchist. Her corset was so tight nobody realized what had happened until she made it back to her ship, collapsed, and died.
 
Visit Vienna today, and it's obvious that Sisi is essentially the German-speaking Scarlett O'Hara. She's everywhere. The Winterhalter portrait appears on brochures, magnets, coffee cups, chocolates, tote bags, Christmas ornaments—you name it, they're selling it. Gift shops on every corner carry replicas of the diamond stars she wears in the painting. Sites connected (even tangentially!) to Elisabeth always seem the most crowded. One of the most popular attractions in the Hofburg, the centuries-old seat of Habsburg power, is her exercise equipment. You see her popping up in cafes and coffee houses all over town.
 
The most up-to-date exhibits I saw in Vienna were in the wing devoted to the Sisi Museum. The show-stopper is the room full of carefully preserved remnants of the empress's wardrobe, which is kept dim and more thoroughly climate-controlled than the Treasury holding literal religious relics. Much of the museum is dedicated to gently but firmly correcting the misinformation in the beloved Austrian film trilogy that began with 1955's Sissi, which is perhaps most responsible for Elizabeth's legacy.
 
Take everything I just told you and chuck it out the window, because history bears hardly any relation to these flicks. Gone is the difficult woman who spent much of her life lurching unhappily from obsession to obsession, frantically working to maintain her beauty and avoid the public eye. Picture Rebecca of Schonbrunn Farm; Anne of Bavarian Gables. Their appeal is obvious. They offer the hoop skirts, sweeping soundtrack and breathless romance of Gone with the Wind, without Scarlett's bitchiness or, you know, the slavery. Plus Austria looks absolutely lovely in mid-fifties film stock, like an ancient copy of National Geographic.
 



 
Star Romy Schneider is flat-out adorable, harmlessly cute like a young Debbie Reynolds and outfitted in a series of fluffy gowns like meringues. She first bursts into the frame on horseback, whooping happily, and shortly thereafter cheers on a baby deer in a scuffle with an equally harmless dog. She loves her home in Possenhofen and spends her days hiking with her beloved Papa, kitted out in traditional Bavarian garb. She meets Franz Joseph when she accidentally catches him with a fishing pole. This is patently ridiculous; nothing that charming ever happened to Franz Joseph in his entire life. (Bless his heart, he was a natural-born bureaucrat.) But of course the cinematic character bears no resemblance to his real-world analogue. He's a darling strawberry blonde cutting a dashing figure in his military uniforms and most of his dialogue seems to be saying "Sisi" in varying emotional tones. He bursts with incandescent happiness at seeing his beloved bride.
 
His mother, the archduchess, is unequivocally the villain of the piece. She's constantly making trouble between Franz and Sisi, lurching around one palace or another in black and purple and dark blue like a scheming crow. Vilma Degischer plays her as the archetypal bitchy mother-in-law, and it's actually pretty entertaining. But once again. the rough edges have been filed off. Forget the woman who seized a power vacuum to put her son on the throne of imperial Austria and replace her with Agatha, from Bewitched.
 
Pitted against this judgmental version of Sophie, Sisi becomes a romanticised, dramatically simplified figure who just wants her freedom, where freedom seems to be defined as plenty of fresh air and ample opportunities to gambol. She's endlessly, unfairly chided for breaking the rules, which she always does charmingly: She simply can't help her natural high spirits! The power struggle over her children's upbringing is taken as an opportunity to paint her as a doting Victorian mama. The portrayal of her relationship to Hungary is especially telling—she's portrayed as guileless and apolitical, Angel in the House-ing her way into harmony between the two countries.
 
Conveniently, the third movie ends before Franz Joseph and Elisabeth lose their eldest child to a sudden illness in Hungary and decades before Rudolf's disastrous suicide at Mayerling—in other words, before it would've become hard to sustain the portrayal of the empress as a chipper, wide-eyed little dear. Schneider bailed and didn't reprise the role until 1972's Ludwig, about the Wagner-loving cousin king of Bavaria, where she appeared as an older, vastly more cynical Sisi.
 
Sisi hasn't been wholly reduced to the woman portrayed by Schneider. Her misery is sufficiently well known that in the 90s, a German pharmaceutical company declared the existence of "the Sisi Syndrome," a particular subset of depression common in women and characterized by listlessness. But the films have set the terms on which Sisi is memorialized, framing her legacy in a very specific way.
 
Outside Austria and Germany, Sisi is remembered primarily as a fashion icon, by people like Vreeland and Lagerfeld. Watch this clip, in which Carolina Herrara explains how Sisi and the iconic Winterhalter portrait inspired Jessica Simpson's custom-made wedding gown. "I love it that you're inspired by a painting," replies the clueless Newlyweds star. "That makes me feel special."
 
Of course, Sisi would probably relate to the relentless dieting (though certainly not the reality TV or blatant tabloid attention-seeking).
 
Lagerfeld's "Reincarnation" is more of the same romanticising. It's just an excuse to put Cara Delevingne in a poofy dress so she can twirl about with Pharrell (another upgrade for Franz Joseph, who'd probably die all over again if you played him something as boppy as "Happy"). (And Sisi would've loathed that getup Delevingne is wearing, which is some straight costume shop garbage.) The headlines are pretty telling. Elle: "Pharrell and Cara Delevingne Sing and Dance in Chanel Fairy Tale." The Gloss: "You'll Swoon When You See Pharrell As Cara Delevingne's Prince Charming In This New Ad." Cosmo: "Introducing Chanel's New Prince and Princess." Delevingne teased the film with Instagram images straight out of Cinderella:
 
Not that Lagerfeld gives two shits about accuracy, of course. "There's a touch of Pop Art in it," he told Women's Wear Daily. "It's not meant to be a historical reconstruction or something heavy like that. This is light and funny." You could compare her to any number of famous women (Princess Di, Kate Middleton, Kim Kardashian, Marie Antoinette). But Sisi reminds me of nobody so much as Marilyn Monroe—a complicated woman who died and was promptly reduced to a series of very, very lovely pictures. Nothing heavy, just a lady in a pretty poofy dress.
 
The Most Miserable Princess Ever: Sisi, Empress Elisabeth of Austria. By Kelly Faircloth. Jezebel, December 18, 2014.