Showing posts with label Jean-Honoré Fragonard. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Jean-Honoré Fragonard. Show all posts

19/03/2021

Jean-Honoré Fragonard : Figures de Fantaisie

 





Masterpiece for masterpiece, the Frick is the best small museum in the United States for western painting before 1900. The institution reopens today in the Whitney Museum’s former flagship on Madison Avenue, where its art will be on view for the next two years while its own building is being renovated. On hand is enough great work to keep you absorbed for a lifetime, including four Piero della Francescas; three Vermeers; two Turners; and works by Goya, Tintoretto, Duccio, Constable, El Greco, Ingres, Titian, Tiepolo, Chardin, Watteau, Boucher, Memling, Manet, and Veronese (who used bodies of female insects, Hungarian copper carbonate, and resinous bug secretions to amp up his voluptuous color), as well as two of the most philosophical paintings in this country, Rembrandt’s late self-portrait and Velazquez’s Phillip II. We stand agog before the hallucinogenic majesty of these pictures as one would gawking at the desert on mescaline.
 
Yet, amid these riches, there is, I am embarrassed to admit, one series of paintings in particular that stands out from the others for me, and it’s Jean-Honoré Fragonard’s The Progress of Love (1771–73). It’s embarrassing because Fragonard is the chief representative of (some would say culprit in) the most reviled period in all of art history: the Rococo.
 
The period may be said to have commenced on September 1, 1715, the day that France’s “Sun King,” Louis XIV, died. It was like a social iceberg melted: Overnight, stultifying court etiquette and social hierarchies began loosening. The style ceased to exist on July 14, 1789, as crowds stormed the Bastille and the French Revolution began: a definitive ending, an art-historical extinction event. In the years between, Rococo imparted something to western painting that had never quite been there before: the unbearable lightness and gladdening mercy of being alive, expressed in loose brushwork at small and medium scale — for the enjoyment of private owners. This wasn’t an art of kings, queens, and the church triumphant. It was first and last meant for pleasure, decoration, celebration, and love. People associate the spectral sweetness, ribbony linearity, and arabesque tapioca-like touch of the Rococo with pictures of walking orchids with nothing on their minds but sex and love. Indeed, some of the naughtiest paintings of the last 300 years are Rococo. But the period also probed the deepest nuances of life and gave us, in addition to Fragonard, five other full-fledged geniuses: Watteau, Goya, Boucher, Chardin, and Mozart.
 
In 1767, four years before starting Progress of Love, Fragonard became famous after creating the most celebrated painting of the era, usually known in English as The Swing. You know this painting even if you don’t know you know it. A young woman in a coral-colored dress swings on a velvet seat in a park. We see her at the apex of her arc, as her slipper flies off and the wind blows up her skirt and petticoats; her stockings, even a little thigh, are flashing into view. She looks down, toward a stunned young man on the ground who is gazing upward, shocked, falling over. We don’t know if he’s her husband, a lover, a stranger. He raises one hand in surprise or hosanna and with his other holds his hat up toward her. His pose echoes the naked Adam in Michelangelo’s Sistine Chapel — in a fun pas de deux of flirtation. When this private picture was exhibited, Fragonard’s depiction of pleasure, exhibitionism, voyeurism, play, and the ritualized ways people have fun with and touch one another in public made him a star.
 
The Swing is not in the Frick collection. But that doesn’t matter, because all five of the paintings (and all the attendant panels) of The Progress of Love are just as visionary and exquisite — and at the largest scale on which he ever worked. (They’re also about the largest paintings in the museum.) We get a simmering vision of love drenched in aesthetic dopamine. There are pinks, powder blues, blooming fruit trees, bouquets of flowers. The cycle of paintings not only tells a tale of love; it embodies an entire era of art history. It also signals its waning and the coming conflagration of the French Revolution, the collapse of the ancien régime. It’s a last gasp, an encyclopedia of amour in a soon-to-be-purged world on the verge of destruction.
 
The paintings were commissioned by the last royal mistress of Louis XV, the Comtesse du Barry, to cover each of the walls of her new dining pavilion just outside Paris. When Fragonard showed the first four works to the comtesse, however, she rejected them as passé. Instead, she commissioned the insipid faux-antique paintings of Joseph-Marie Vien, images of sappy Greek maidens with no skeletons standing about gardens, crowning one another and offering each other odd garlands. Fragonard packed up his paintings and left. Later, he completed a fifth painting in the south of France.
 
What’s so fantastic about seeing these paintings at the Frick Breuer is not only how close you can get to the work, now that it’s not surrounded with furniture and bric-a-brac. In the mansion, the Fragonards are installed — even swaddled and segregated — in a wonderful Rococo drawing room, with attendant panels over doors and next to windows. Here, the work is given pride of place on the fourth floor next to the gigantic trapezoidal window looking out over Madison Avenue. Up close and at eye level, the work is reborn as these huge heraldic thunderous paintings, visually vehement and emotionally commanding. I love them more than I ever have.






 
The original four pictures show narratives of flirtation, courtship, clandestine meeting, quixotic love, adventurousness, allure gone right and wrong. The order of the narrative is unknown; all the titles, including the one for the series, were added later. Consider “The Pursuit” chapter one. Three young girls in billowy dresses lounge like little bored Venuses in a park. They are surprised by a young man who appears on the left with hat in hand, extending a rose to the central girl. It’s sweet and sappy; the girls react in a combination of faux alarm, tittering glee, and disinterest. The central girl, however, has jolted upright. She extends both arms out and tippy-toes on her slipper. Feel the jolt, a fish biting the line of first amorous interest. She looks directly at the rose. She seems game, unafraid. (I see him as already out of his league — or maybe that’s me projecting.)
 
 


 
Next comes “The Meeting.” Beneath a voluptuous Venus statue, our heroine is alone on a terrace. On the right side of the painting is a young man. He’s just gotten to the top of a ladder and is about to hop over the balustrade to join his amour. But she’s raising her hand to stop him, looking in the opposite direction. He freezes. While she may just be making sure the coast is clear, I also fancy that she just said good-bye to another suitor. Whatever the story, she’s running this show.
 


 
The next painting is “The Lover Crowned.” Something feels amiss here; irony and self-consciousness have entered the picture. In this canvas, the young woman’s attention isn’t riveted anymore on her young man — she’s posing as they are sketched by a nearby artist in a garden. Musical instruments are strewn about. She holds a garland of flowers over his head as he moons at her from below. Their emotional tenors are so different, though. She’s warm but not ardent; her passion is under wraps. He seems clueless. For me, this is love divided; a conflicted sexual dynamic or duplicity that threatens to break spells and cause pain has entered the picture. These couples and characters might perish outside this cloistered world.
 


 
Chapter 4 is “Love Letters.” Our couple is in a woodland clearing. There’s an ominous heart-shaped opening in the canopy of leaves behind them. Throughout these paintings, you come to realize that the gigantic surrounding landscapes have been closing in and may have always been the main feature. I see haze on the horizon, a waning cooler light. The woman reads what could be a love letter or a poem — maybe from her beau, who is again draped all over her. While she’s amused, he’s a puppet in love. A King Charles spaniel at their feet looks out at you like it knows something is off. A putto statue seems alarmed above them. The girl is blushing but still not especially involved. You suddenly realize we’ve never even seen these two truly embrace.
 
  
Around the time that the comtesse rejected these works, the roof fell in on Fragonard more generally. By 1778, Rococo was becoming discredited. There were new, pre-Revolutionary allegiances in art to Greek and Roman ideals. Rococo was seen as decadent, anti-Revolutionary. If art wasn’t for the greater good, it wasn’t seen as good at all. It was a time when government restrictions on freedoms were ratcheting up in western Europe; monarchs and ministers watched the American Revolution with apprehension. Secession movements multiplied throughout Europe. As unrest in France began to boil over, the king and censors cracked down, and the press was curtailed. The state reasserted its powers. Rococo was doomed. Fragonard died in 1806, forgotten and shunned.



 
He finished one last major project before that. In 1791, he completed The Progress of Love, adding a fifth major panel titled “Reverie.” It should be called “Breakdown” or “The End of a World.” This work is hung in a separate gallery at the Breuer — with ten other panels completed at the same time. Now we find the female protagonist in a psychic environment we have never seen before. She’s deserted, ghostly, spent, forsaken, collapsed. I see a grand era coming to a close, the fates moving in, destinies beckoning: It’s a new world where people no longer die among friends and family but among strangers, alone.
 
Here, Fragonard finally looks outside his lifelong palm grove of pleasure to what would eclipse and kill it. The painter had always avoided the dangerous intimacies and true vulnerabilities of love, even as he depicted romance. But his world had always been under pressure. The landscape was always closing in. Only Fragonard’s extraordinary touch, lustrous color, and frivolous version of love without shadows kept the wolf of reality at bay.



 
The Frick on Madison Finally Lets You See Fragonard Up Close Empowered by its new setting, work once considered frivolous becomes visual thunder. By Jerry Saltz.  Vulture, March 18, 2021




“I would paint with my ass,” quoth Jean-Honoré Fragonard (1732–1806), the 18th-century French artist best known for his idyllic, carefree, private, sometimes even a bit risqué, scenes of life under the ancien régime. Happily, for that world and for posterity, a more idiomatic translation of Fragonard’s dictum merely meant that he would paint “all the time” or “as much as he could.” And, indeed, he did. In his active years, which the French Revolution brought to a swift halt, he produced some 550 paintings, accompanied by a corpus of drawings so large and revelatory that a penchant for collecting drawings arguably began with him and has acquired a popularity matched only by a small number of other painters. The first cataloger of Fragonard’s works declared his drawings to be his true “triumph.” In 2016–’17, the Metropolitan Museum of Art mounted a major exhibition of his drawings alone.
 
Prolific though he was, Fragonard’s life remains obscure. He left no memoirs or diaries, and no letters of significance. Most descriptions of him, though far from definitive, reveal a taciturn, secretive, often morose man who stood just under five feet and was known to be disputatious and vindictive. Two rich patrons who engaged Fragonard as a traveling companion for artistic journeys made hardly any reference to him, suggesting that they could not pin down his personality and preferred to forget his company. He dodged celebrity, abandoning the path open to him as a well-trained, official “peintre du roi” in favor of exploring his own inclinations through private commissions. Only five of his paintings are dated.
 
Even Fragonard’s most sympathetic contemporaries despaired of what they saw as his “self-defeating modesty.” In his old age, when his portrayals of the delights of aristocratic private life clashed with the relentlessly public demands of revolutionary ferment, Fragonard slipped into obscurity and mainly drew for himself, retouched existing works, and collaborated in lesser paintings with his wife Marie-Anne, his son Alexandre-Évariste, and his pupil and sister-in-law Marguerite Gérard, all well-regarded artists in their own right. As his grandson Théophile, also an accomplished painter, wrote after his death, “he outlived his public by some twenty-five years.” Fragonard’s posthumous renown only came decades later, when the famous Goncourt brothers rediscovered him. The stylizations of his brushwork, which favored motion over representation, subsequently found their way into impressionist painting; Berthe Morisot was reputedly his great-great-niece, though the relationship is uncertain. Fragonard’s standing in the international artistic firmament was cemented by the industrialist Henry Clay Frick’s purchase for his Manhattan home — now the Frick Collection — of the four-panel series The Progress of Love, which Louis XV’s mistress Madame du Barry had rejected, presumably as old-fashioned, after Fragonard had completed it on commission for her.
 
Despite the cynicism of our increasingly irrelevant art academicians, who tend to view Fragonard’s popularity as suspect in a world that demands relentless social purpose in creativity, enduring Romantic sensibilities have only increased Fragonard’s value and renown. In January 2021 (to cite only the most recent example), Christie’s sold 14 of his drawings, with most going above the estimated price even as galleries are taking a beating in the pandemic economy. The highest valued among them realized a double estimate, at $1.1 million.
 
With only barebones biographical details, writing a definitive scholarly biography of Fragonard is a challenge. In Fragonard: Painting Out of Time, Satish Padiyar of London’s Courtauld Institute, who has previous written on Fragonard’s contemporaries Jacques-Louis David and Antonio Canova, prefers to pursue what he calls the “Fragonard effect,” a thematic exploration of his life and works unmoored from linear biographical narrative. For reasons that elude me, this approach is becoming popular in biographies of less documentable subjects, but it really only conveys impressions or themes from a life rather than a studied appreciation.
 
The main themes Padiyar favors, in chapter-length treatments, are “secrets,” “surprise,” and “dreams.” By “secrets,” the author means the unknown or unverifiable details of Fragonard’s life, though many of these have been at least deduced elsewhere, as well as the “secrets” of private life as revealed in his works, which clashed with the public-oriented “common good” Enlightenment sensibilities adopted by so many of his peers. After producing his landmark Coresus Sacrificing Himself to Save Callirhoe (1765), Fragonard never again attempted a sprawling historical painting, instead preferring what his detractors termed “the small” (“le petit”). This included “small” people, especially children of prosperous parentage in portraits or domestic scenes that impart a powerful sense of personal autonomy. I have one of these portraits in my own collection, of a rosy-cheeked boy who bears a confident countenance that young people are no longer supposed to display. The larger A Boy as Pierrot (ca. 1776–1780), now in London’s Wallace Collection, is a more accessible example.



 
The “petit” category also encompassed the “small” work of fulfilling private commissions, many of which remain obscure in origin and inspiration. One of Fragonard’s most vibrant works, a 16-painting collection of individuals in flowing Spanish dress engaged in leisure or creative activities known as Fantasy Portraits (ca. 1769), was so “secret” that we still do not know why Fragonard painted them. The subjects’ identities largely remained a mystery until an annotated drawing by the artist, which named almost all of them, emerged in 2012. Long scattered among different owners, they were not even widely recognized as a composite work until the 1960s and have only been displayed together twice since then, most recently at Washington’s National Gallery in 2017.
 
As radical applications of “reason” fought for hegemony over French public life, critics resented Fragonard’s purportedly dangerous indulgence in the personal and private spheres. For them, these realms of undisciplined feeling fostered loyalty to family over society, to love over duty, to pleasure over reason. In their priggish view, Fragonard was all the worse since his commissions by their very nature meant that his creations would be limited to private contemplation and concealed from public view. That they were also lucrative (Fragonard’s late-life poverty seems to have resulted from bad investments and the financial chaos of revolutionary France) probably did not soften their antagonism. Infamously reviewing his cherubic A Group of Children in the Sky (1767, likely a study for a rococo ceiling painting), the encyclopedist Denis Diderot derided Fragonard’s efforts as poorly executed decoration and never again mentioned him in print. Many of Diderot’s contemporaries agreed that the artist was outmoded and would have no legacy. By transgressing philosophe sensibilities, Fragonard was, in effect, “cancelled,” at least in Enlightenment cultural discourse.
 
We can only imagine what, if anything, Diderot thought of Fragonard’s iconic The Swing (or, to give it its original title, Happy Accidents of the Swing [1767]), but the theme of “surprise” allows Padiyar to offer some of his most original analysis. The Swing’s fuller title is more instructive here, for it is the “accidental” exposure of its central figure’s eponymous ride that allows her young suitor to see what lies underneath her flowing dress as she is propelled into mid-air.
 
Fragonard’s most dynamic works undeniably capture the energy of a dynamic “moment.” The very best, in Padiyar’s apt description, explore “the visceral and psychic experience of a sudden loss of balance,” or a “precariousness” to which the artist was “bizarrely, hyper-sensitively attuned,” like a quick-shutter camera snapping an action shot in real time. Most evocative were those images that involved amorous encounters, which The Swing only suggests with attenuated gestures that recall divinities in the Renaissance masterpieces Fragonard had studied in Rome.



 
Elsewhere, the “surprise” element often suggests ambiguity or doubt. While some of his works, such as The Oath of Love (ca. 1780), offer genuinely absorbing affection bathed in warm colors, others, such as The Useless Resistance (ca. 1770–1773) and the more famous The Bolt (ca. 1778), which Padiyar claims to find “shocking,” approach the fine line between willing seduction and libertine ravishment. Padiyar’s moral poses and consequent interpretive license sound manufactured for a modish purpose that already seems rather dated, but the academic discipline of art history would probably not have it any other way. Are the red curtains in The Bolt really suggestive of sexual assault in a sympathetic anticipation of #MeToo? Probably not. The Goncourts sardonically noted that its female subject’s “fall is inevitable,” but when The Bolt entered the Louvre’s collection in 1974, the only public discussion involved questions about its authenticity. Thirty years later, Annie Leibovitz had no problem recreating the scene for Vogue, with Gisele Bündchen and Gérard Depardieu standing in for the figures.
 
Padiyar’s “dreams” theme explores another form of the hidden personal life, examining Fragonard’s frequent depiction of repose and reverie. The author convincingly argues that these very private actions suggest the personal autonomy and freedom from time constraints that proved intolerable to the philosophes in their mad quest for a purposeful existence and demand that their sober values be reflected in art. Fragonard’s works in this vein are vulnerable to the tendentious charge that they draw the viewer into a contemplation of lethargy that threatens to distract from the active life of the homme engagé. The artist himself may have been his own best subject in documenting this effrontery: in The Inspiration of the Artist (ca. 1763), he drew a rare self-portrait of his stout figure reclining before a work table with his hand placed searchingly over his eyes and forehead as a host of angels flutters around him.



 
The Goncourts’ concluding metaphor, in their summation of Fragonard’s oeuvre, was that his “painting is a dream.” They were prescient, for such scenes remain popular today: Christie’s recent top-selling Fragonard drawing was his Young Woman Dozing (c. 1775–1785), which depicts a young lady snoozing in a chair before a vanity mirror. As Talleyrand memorably said, “He who has not lived in the eighteenth century before the Revolution does not know the sweetness of life.” In the 21st century, the discerning among us may again have glimpses of it.
 
The Pleasures of Repose: A New Study of Fragonard. By Paul du Quenoy. Los Angeles Review of Books, March 14, 2021.
 

 







Paintings like The Swing (1767) will forever cause Jean-Honoré Fragonard to be remembered as one of the more perverted French painters in history. The rococo masterpiece that Fragonard custom-made to satisfy the baron who commissioned it portrays a naughty scene: a woman with mischief in her eyes, in a lacy gown, silk stockings and a bergère hat, is launched into the air on a velvet-cushioned swing. She holds on firmly as one of her shoes ejects from the tip of her dainty foot into the sunlit canopy. A smiling older man, presumably her husband (perhaps a cuck), stands behind her, dutifully maneuvering the swing. He may or may not be oblivious to a younger man who lurks in the foreground in an overgrown patch of rose bushes spying on the swinging woman from precisely the vantage required to see directly up her billowy dress.
 
The painting’s unabridged title is The Happy Accidents of the Swing, but clearly, neither the garter nor the voyeur is in any way accidental. The wife swings dangerously, passionately, diagonally, through the depths of the picture, thrilled—one presumes from her dilated expression—by the dizzying speed, height, deceit, and exhibitionism. A stone putti holds his finger to his lips, a couple of cherubs play at a beehive, a tiny dog yaps incessantly. The well-ordered garden has “gone wild,” as they say. Even the foliage seems fertile and abundant, as if each leaf is titillated.
 
But another kind of Fragonard was recently on view at The National Gallery of Art in Washington I’m referring to Young Girl Reading, painted only three years after The Swing, in 1770. This unbelievable painting is accompanied by the 13 other “Fantasy Figures” of this highly-acclaimed series. The show has come and gone, but surprisingly with little buzz. I guess these paintings aren’t fake enough to be considered fake news, nor real enough to be considered a reality check.
 
While Fragonard’s canvases were painted rapidly and display a Viagra-enhanced vitality, the atypical Young Girl Reading is both literally and figuratively a slow read. By rococo standards, she is a yawn. The female in the painting, however, is not bored. She is contemplative. Her inward absorption makes for a sobering window into the mind of an 18th-century adolescent. What message is being transferred across this gulf of time and place from her reading of a book to our reading of a work of art?
 
The “Fantasy Figures” are painted in fragrant set oils. Each sitter is dressed in a ridiculous Spanish costume, replete with fake jewels, plumed hats, slashed puffy shirt sleeves; silk ribbons, rosettes, jazzy feathers, large ruffs, and oversize rapiers. They all look like they’re going to a Don Quixote-themed costume party.
 
But Fragonard’s cast of posers decked out as 17th-century Spanish gentry are all (bar the anomalous young girl) caught in the act of being in love with themselves. So high are they on themselves that it’s certainly an outrage! An allegory of arrogance! And certainly a fitting analog for today’s greedy plutocrats. It makes one wonder if Fragonard intended to embarrass his courtly sitters, exposing their atrocious self-regard. In his compositions, he often elongates his models’ necks as if he is contemplating their decapitation. Or perhaps he too is in denial of the rising third estate.
 
If the “Fantasy Figures” evoke tanning salons, dyed comb-overs, slipping dentures, double chins, and neckties that point like red arrows below belt buckles, then Young Girl Reading belongs to a totally different administration. She no doubt benefits from a different painterly consciousness administered with surprising restraint and economy. Perhaps this poised Fragonard is pointing not so much to its own despot (or dick), but to an enlightened one.
 
Young Girl Reading should be the talk of the town! She is mindful and contemplative, perhaps even a proto-feminist. The painting is anti-rococo. It’s an insult to the joie de vivre of the ultra-privileged. What comes off in other works from the time as the painter’s theatrical indifference, or indifferent theatricality, reads in this painting as deep reflection. All it takes is a quick glance to see how much she contrasts with the ensemble of cartoony gallants of the French aristocracy.
 
And yet, even with her lack of turbocharged egotism, Fragonard’s coming-of-age Reader, immersed as she is in literature, may be living her own fantasy, not enabling that of the painter’s or, for that matter, the patron’s. Her fantasy is to transform into a new kind of humanized woman. The fact that she has her nose in a book rather than in the air makes her the perfect cover girl for the Enlightenment, for the right, regardless of gender, to an education, to information and ideas.
 
On one hand, Young Girl Reading is an allegory for the 18th and 19th centuries’ infatuation with progress: reason, rights, revolution, romanticism, realism. But the painting also hints at the past, at unobtainable dreams, at a cesspool of ideologies and antiquated notions of gallantry and romance. The source of Don Quixote’s delusion, for example, is found in the chivalric romances that pack his bookshelves.
 
Aren’t all of our delusions artworks of the mind? And aren’t such idealized scenarios smuggled into our brains by the most skillful storytellers? Books scribed by dreamers may enlighten and enliven us, but they may also corrupt us, pervert us with unobtainable ambitions and unreasonable emotions.
 
This may be why, further along in the tradition of the French novel (by the year 1856), writers like Flaubert had contrived a gallery of rebels like Emma Bovary to serve both as catalysts and cautionary tales. Madame Bovary was, after all, perplexed, if not physically pained, by the fact that her mediocre, provincial doctor husband wasn’t anything like the chivalric men she’d read about in romance novels. According to Flaubert, back at the convent:
 
       ""She on the sly lent the big girls some novel, that she always carried in the pockets of her apron, and of which the good lady herself swallowed long chapters in the intervals of her work. They were all love, lovers, sweethearts, persecuted ladies fainting in lonely pavilions, postilions killed at every stage, horses ridden to death on every page, sombre forests, heartaches, vows, sobs, tears and kisses, little skiffs by moonlight, nightingales in shady groves, ‘gentlemen’ brave as lions, gentle as lambs, virtuous as no one ever was, always well dressed, and weeping like fountains. For six months, then, Emma, at 15 years of age, made her hands dirty with books from old lending libraries.""




Is Fragonard’s Young Girl Reading a pre-Flaubertian construction? I wonder as I admire her perfect profile, as she sits with gray posture on the liminal cusp of womanhood, in her lemony dress with white cuffs and purple ribbons, attentive to her page-turner, padded with lilac cushions that could have arrived that day in a cardboard box marked Amazon Prime.
 
Static as most of her body may be, the painting does have a moment of Fragonard twist, in the delicately animated hand splaying open the pages of her book and holding it before her thirsty mind like a Penguin paperback.
 
And her other hand? It is welded to the chair’s armrest and remains in view. Curator of European Painting and Sculpture at the Harvard Art Museums, Cassandra Albinson, has lectured on the significance of this hand, comparing it to Pierre-Antoine Baudouin’s 1760 gouache Reading, which shows a woman arching back in a chair, with her breasts out, one limp hand having dropped her erotic book, and the other having disappeared into the folds of her dress.



 
But in Fragonard’s entirely un-pornographic image Young Girl Reading, the young girl’s body is locked into the composition’s strong horizontal and vertical axes. The walls and chair provide a sense of compression, even traction. The picture is boxy, compartmentalized—unprecedentedly Modern.
 
And while there’s still plenty of Fragonard in this Fragonard—his schmear—we are not being forced to look at another of his diagonal X compositions with tilting torsos and upward chins conveying an obnoxious sense of arrogance.
 
The exhibition was organized by one of the National Gallery’s curators, Yuriko Jackall. But why now? Was she seizing the day to juxtapose Fragonard’s “Fantasy Figures” with breaking news: the shaming of some and the shamelessness of others, the daily spin of our white male power mongers? Possibly. But the show is also timed with and inspired by the recent discovery of an unprecedented Fragonard drawing known as Sketches of Portraits (c.1769), a drawing that emerged back in 2012 at a Paris auction and has been doing a number on rococo scholars for the last five years. This sketch, which was never meant to be shown but is more like an inventory or stock sheet with rows of thumbnail sketches and the names of most of the sitters written in Fragonard’s own handwriting! The sketch has been nothing less than a total art historical mind-fuck proving that the “Fantasy Figures” in fact, were never fantasies. They were not painted out of Fragonard’s head but rendered more like quick snapshots of his Facebook friends.
 
One sitter who was previously thought to have been Diderot turns out to be a relatively average guy, the author and journalist Ange Gabriel Meusnier de Querlon. We now know that the woman with a dog is a wealthy aristocrat from a noble Burgundian family, Marie Émilie Coignet de Courson. The man holding a quill pen is the printer and bookseller Louis François Prault. The harpsichordist who turns away from her instrument as she fingers a musical score on a table is a woman known as Mme Brillon. The Actor is Gabriel Auguste Godefroy, the son of a wealthy Parisian banker, jeweler, and art dealer, and The Warrior is the miniaturist Peter Adolphe Hall, who owned some 20 works by Fragonard.
 
What is now clear is that Fragonard was networking his ass off at a time when he had just ditched the academy and was hustling to jump-start his career as a brush for hire in the wealthy private sector. He had obtained a studio in an artsy neighborhood and was trying to get the word out that he was available to make site-specific paintings in people’s mansions like The Progress of Love, (1771-73), which currently resides in the Frick Collection. But he was also advertising his prêt-à-paintings if you will—a line of very affordable one-size-fits-all society portraits that could be painted pretty much on the spot and sold for just 24 francs.
 
Fragonard, in other words, was an entrepreneur, marketing boutique portraits for an especially vain clientele. And perhaps simultaneously he was positioning himself, subversively, to provide commentary, like Voltaire, on a society on the brink of obsolescence.
 
And yet, the adolescent is not a vanity piece. To the painting’s credit, and perhaps purely a fluke, she remains enshrouded in her own authentic inner life, percolating with ideas. Whether hers is a fantasy of sexual agency or social conquest, it seems to be ripening at the core, not rotten to the core. Perhaps, in other words, she is becoming something other than a bird swinging in a cage.
 
Ironically, Young Girl’s identity is still unknown. It is possibly Fragonard’s wife, Marie-Anne Gérard, who was born in 1745, which would have made her 25 years old when the painting was painted (which also happens to be the same year their daughter Rosalie Fragonard was born, 1769). Or it is possibly his wife’s sister Marguerite Gérard, who would have been just 14 in 1770. However, Marguerite didn’t become a houseguest with the Fragonards for another five years.
 
Who then is she? And what is she reading? Both remain a pretty exciting mystery. In the thumbnail of the Young Girl Reading, we discover a blatant inconsistency. The girl looks much older and is clearly turning toward the picture plane and looking out at the viewer rather than appearing in perfect profile absorbed by her book. It is this intriguing detail that caused Jackall to probe, using hyperspectral infrared false-color reflectography to basically X-ray the painting. She and her technicians found that indeed modifications had been made to the painting.



 
Connecting the dots, one hypothesis is that the original client changed her mind (within 30 days I’m sure) and sent the painting back to Fragonard, who, being the pragmatist that he was, repurposed the canvas, painting on a new head and plugging it into the original costumed, generic body. This substitution may be why her neck, in its current configuration, seems a little disproportionately long, perhaps adding to the feeling of a mind-body disconnect thus lending the work an aura of cerebral potentiality.
 
The Young Girl Reading is unusually composed around a book. And while the pages of this book only reveal gray horizontal lines imitating the look of text on a page, we are not shown any actual words, nor does the spine give us an author or title. We are thus left to guess what she is reading, what is on the mind of Young Girl thus becoming a matter of projection as well as bibliographic sleuthing. Maybe she is digesting an old worn copy of Voltaire’s Candide (1759), a book that had been in print for more than 10 years, a book that would have been demonstrating that all is not necessarily for the best, in what may not be the best of all possible worlds. It is also conceivable that Young Girl is expanding her mind with the epistolary morality tale by Rousseau, Julie, published in 1761, and the hottest book around for years. Publishers couldn’t keep it in stock and had even begun renting it out by the day and eventually by the hour. Readers were so overcome by Julie that high society women began sending in fan letters to the world’s first rock-star author: “I dare not tell you the effect it made on me,” one woman writes, “I was past weeping. A sharp pain convulsed me. My heart was crushed. Julie dying was no longer an unknown person.”

 I see Young Girl Reading as my own daughter, who is just now entering puberty. I’d like to think that I approve of whatever she chooses to read and respect whatever is on her mind.
 
Female Agency and Rococo Perversion. By Jeremy Sigler. Tablet , February 2, 2018. 


Young Girl Reading: A Hidden Portrait Revealed. National Gallery of Art



Lecture – Fragonard’s Young Girl Reading: New Perspectives.
 
On loan to the Harvard Art Museums from the National Gallery of Art in Washington, Jean-Honoré Fragonard’s Young Girl Reading is one of the most famous French rococo paintings in America. Part of a series known as figures de fantaisie, this painting has recently been the subject of art historical discovery and technical analysis.
 
This event brought together two scholars working on Fragonard and on the period in question: Yuriko Jackall, assistant curator of French paintings at the National Gallery of Art and organizer of an upcoming exhibition on Fragonard (Fall 2017); and Marika T. Knowles, junior fellow in the Harvard Society of Fellows and a specialist in French art, culture, and literature of the 17th, 18th, and 19th centuries.
 
Harvard Art Museums, July 29, 2017.



































06/10/2018

The Shady Past of the Colour Pink




If you didn’t believe in the power of pink before, you might after seeing Pink: The History of a Punk, Pretty, Powerful Color, now on view at the Fashion Institute of Technology. It’s a visual feast of 80 ensembles, from a Louis XV-era gown to a pussy hat from the 2017 Women’s March. The exhibition tells the compelling, polarizing history of the color pink in fashion and demonstrates the power of our clothes to shape, and be shaped by, society. As exemplified by one of the exhibition’s themes, “The Power of Pink,” the color tantalizes with its wild incongruity: while it’s often considered cutesy and delicate, pink can also be “fierce and feminist, punk and powerful.”



Divided into two galleries, the exhibition starts by addressing the elephant in the room: why pink tends to be coded feminine. The answer is not as cut and dry as you might expect: as color historian Michel Pastoureau once wrote, “There is no transcultural truth to color perception. It is society that ‘makes’ color, defines it, gives it meaning”. Pink, it turns out, was not always a “girl color.” In one of the exhibition’s remarkable displays are four historical costumes from the court of Louis XV, including a woman’s robe and three men’s outfits. Representing the theme of “Pompadour Pink,” after the pink-loving Madame de Pompadour, Louis XV’s official chief mistress, they date to 18th-century France, when the color was extremely fashionable among both men and women of the aristocracy. Thus the story of pink in Europe begins as a genderless color, associated with ideas of “elegance, novelty, and aristocratic splendor.” That started to change in the late-19th century Industrial Era, when men shifted to primarily donning black or other dark colors; women continued to wear the rainbow. The next two themes in the exhibition reinforce non-gendered, symbolic values of pink. An anecdote presented in one of the labels in “Pink versus Blue” describes how an American mother shopping for her son at Saks Fifth Avenue in 1920 would certainly have encountered divided opinions on the color. “Pink for the boy,” insists one sales clerk. “WHAT! Pink for a boy?” demands another. In this section, a group of pink and blue children’s clothes illustrate a great diversity of opinion in America during the 19th and early 20th centuries regarding which gender wears the pink color. This debate raged on until the Second World War, when pink was aggressively marketed as female by advocates of returning women to the domestic spheres. From then on, many shades of pink dominated women’s fashion, appearing each time with an intention to define or redefine womanhood.




                                              
      

The linear organization proved especially challenging in the introductory gallery, which surveys chronologically the history of feminizing pink. However, truly distinctive pieces can emerge from the spatial monotony of an assembly line. And to experience the changes in fashion in a linear progression gave me an “ah-ha!” moment: from the height of pink’s feminization in the 1950s, designers and influencers since then have been attempting to return pink to its beginnings as a multivalent color. The idea is neither revolutionary nor innovative, but feeling so proves just how entrenched our gender-coding is. The question of why pink is so divisive followed me long after I left behind the exhibition’s Pepto-Bismol-hued haute couture. The current trend to return pink to its multifaceted, non-gendered origins gives me a glimmer of hope that today’s society is not resistant to change, and that whatever direction the shifting winds of fashion blow next, pink will remain a punk, pretty, and powerful color. 

A Brief History of the Color Pink in Fashion, from the 1700s to Today. By Hannah Chan. Hyperallergic ,  October 1, 2018. 



                                                                     





The shady past of the colour pink. By Kelly Grovier.  BBC , April 19,  2018

  Pink is a double-edged sword. While red is raucous and racy, and white is prim and pure, pink cuts both ways. Long before the word “pink” attached itself to the pretty pastel shade of delicate carnations, as we define the term today, the London underworld enlisted it for something rather less frilly or fragrant – to denote the act of stabbing someone with a sharp blade. “He pink’d his Dubblet”, so reads an entry for the word in a 17th-Century dictionary of street slang used by “Beggars, Shoplifters, Highwaymen, Foot-Pads and all other Clans of Cheats and Villains”, describing a lethal lunge through a man’s padded jacket, “He run him through”. At what point the unlikely linguistic slide was made from mortal piercing to mellow pigment, no one can say for sure. But the enticing hue itself, by whatever name it was known before the assignment of “pink” to the colour chart in the 18th Century, has kept culture blushing since antiquity. Now seductive, now innocent, pink is coquettish and coy, sultry and sly. Remove pink from the palette of art history and a teasing dimension to the story of image-making would be lost. Edgar Degas’s Pink Dancers would fall flat-footed and Pablo Picasso’s pivotal pink period wouldn’t rise to the occasion.



 



A key moment in pink’s emergence as an essential element in the development of painting is the creation by the Early Renaissance Italian painter Fra Angelico in the middle of the 15th Century of his famous fresco in the Convent of San Marco in Florence, Italy, The Annunciation, which depicts the moment in the New Testament that the Virgin Mary is informed by the Archangel Gabriel that she will become the mother of Christ. Situated at the top of a staircase solemnly ascended daily by pious monks, Fra Angelico’s ground-breaking painting is one into which an observer’s spirit is summoned to levitate. Crucial to sparking that mystical lift-off in the fresco is the portrayal of the ethereal Archangel – who has himself mystically crossed planes of being to swoop into Mary’s material sphere. Never mind the polychromatic wings, what’s most surprising about Gabriel’s depiction is Fra Angelico’s decision to clad him in plush pleats of sumptuous pink. We know from a contemporary artist’s handbook on how to concoct pigments (Cennino Ceninni’s Il libro dell'arte, published a few decades before Fra Angelico painted his fresco) that pink had been traditionally reserved primarily for the rendering of flesh. “Made from the loveliest and lightest sinopia that is found and is mixed and mulled with St. John’s white”, Cennini explains, “this pigment does you great credit if you use it for painting faces, hands and nudes on walls”. By draping Gabriel in the lushest of pinks, Fra Angelico fleshes the Archangel out as a being of body and blood, breaking down the distinction between holy spirit and ephemeral flesh. Pink is the pivot that humanises heaven. No one would ever see the colour the same way again. In the ensuing centuries, artists would invoke pink as shorthand for the blurring of boundaries.

  



As the focus of Renaissance master Raphael’s Madonna of the Pinks, a sprig of blushing carnations handed to the Virgin Mary by the infant Christ, may seem unremarkable enough at first glance. In fact it amounts to a kind of miraculous wrinkle in the fabric of time. According to religious tradition, dianthus (the Greek name for the plant, meaning “flower of God”), did not appear in the world until Mary wept at her son’s crucifixion. The flower’s anachronistic appearance in Raphael’s scene, therefore, tinged with the future blood of the baby who holds it, mysteriously establishes a pink kink in the linear unfolding of the universe. Over time, pink would eventually blossom beyond the petals of its complex theologies to inflect a wider array of secular personality, all the while retaining its elusive allure and capacity to tease. By the 18th Century, pink was offering itself as the colour of choice for portraying high-profile mistresses, daring observers to deny its very legitimacy as a respectable hue. No painting embodies pink’s gradual pendulum movement from the spiritual to the secular more vividly than the French artist Jean-Honoré Fragonard’s exuberant The Swing, painted around 1767, between La Tour’s and Romney’s works. Here, a fabulous flounce of flowing rose is frozen in mid swivel as the swinging girl, pillowed in pinkness, flicks loose a silk shoe, attracting the titillated attention of any number of camouflaged male gazes hiding in the bushes around her. We’re a long way from the pink whisper of angels now.

  



In more recent times, pink continues to be seized upon by artists keen to confound our expectations of what notes or message the floral pigment can confidently carry. Having established a formidable reputation in the middle of the 20th Century as a first-generation Abstract Expressionist, eschewing figurative subjects entirely in the 1950s, Canadian-born American artist Philip Guston reached for pink in a dramatic turn back to representational art in the late 1960s. By then, the colour itself had undergone something of a commercial transformation in American retail culture, having begun the century as a shade more often associated with boys and masculinity than fairy princesses and little girls’ dolls. But by the time Guston began introducing a menacing cast of Ku Klux Klan-inspired cartoon goons, whose implausibly pale pink stubby hoods continue to menace popular imagination to this day, the colour had been re-commodified as delicate and feminine. Grabbing pink by the scruff for his unsettling scenes of a seedy Americana, Guston slaps Barbie across the chops. At the same moment that Guston’s provocative pink was poking the art world in the eye, scientific studies were underway by Alexander Schauss, Director of the American Institute for Biosocial Research, to determine whether manipulations of the colour could help control the behaviour of subjects surrounded by it. The result of Schauss’s investigation was the concoction of the psychologically subtle shade now known as “Baker-Miller Pink”, after the Naval correctional institute in Seattle, Washington where the pigment was successfully tested on the walls of inmates’ cells and credited with a significant calming of aggressive urges. Yet despite its ability to inspire docility, pink is still picking fights, challenging our perceptions to an aesthetic duel. Upon learning that the British artist Anish Kapoor had signed a contract giving him exclusive rights to a recently engineered colour known as Vantablack (the darkest shade ever devised), and the legal right to prohibit other artists from doing so, Kapoor’s younger contemporary Stuart Semple saw red. Emboldened by Kapoor’s black embargo, Semple began concocting a supremely-fluorescent pink paint he contends is the “pinkest pink” ever contemplated (“no one has ever seen a pinker pink”, he insists). As a poke in the eye of Kapoor, Semple has made his colour available at a small price to anyone in the world so long as they confirm that they are not Anish Kapoor nor friendly enough with Kapoor to share it with him. En garde, Kapoor. You’ve been pink’d.



See :
Anish Kapoor flaunts use of "world's pinkest pink" despite personal ban from its creator. By Eleanor Gibson. Dezeen, December 30 2016.



                                                                







After some psychologists were able to show that certain shades of pink reduced aggression, it was famously used in prison cells to limit aggression in inmates. Yet pink toes a shaky line. Is it a benign means of subtle manipulation? A tool to humiliate? An outgrowth of gender stereotyping? Or some combination of the three?



When most people read that some are using pink to reduce aggression, they probably think, “of course.” After all, from birth pink is appropriated to pretty little baby girls and blue is assigned to bouncing baby boys. In human psychology, we have come to connect the color to femininity and its corresponding gender stereotypes: weakness, shyness and tranquility.  But according to architectural historian Annmarie Adams, pink didn’t always automatically signal femininity. Pink became the default color for all things girly only after World War II. Before then, it was common for girls to wear blue, while mothers would often dress their boys in pink. Adams traces the switch back to Nazi Germany. Just as the Nazis forced Jewish people to wear a yellow badge to identify themselves, they forced gay men to wear a pink badge. Ever since then, pink has been thought of as a non-masculine color reserved for girls.
Once pink started to embody femininity, some wondered if it could be used to “tame” aggressive male behavior. Beginning in the 1980s, a handful of prison wardens painted holding cells in prisons and jails pink. The hope was that the color would have a calming effect on the male prisoners. The wardens were inspired by the results from a series of studies conducted by research scientist Alexander Schauss. Schauss had concocted a pink paint color that he claimed could reduce the physical strength and aggressive tendencies of male inmates. In his study, Schauss had subjects stare at a large square of pink paper with their arms outstretched. Then he tried to force their arms back down. He demonstrated he could easily do this as the color had weakened them. When he repeated the same experiment with a square of blue paper, their normal strength had returned. Schauss named the color “Baker-Miller Pink” after two of his co-experimenters, naval officers Gene Baker and Ron Miller. Baker and Miller were so impressed with Schauss’ findings that they went ahead and painted the holding cells at their naval base this shade of pink. They raved about the results and how it had pacified inmates. As word got around about the benefits of pink décor, psychiatric units and other holding areas were painted Baker-Miller Pink. Custodians reported quieter inmates and less physical and verbal abuse.

All this seems like a simple, cost-effective solution to calm inmates. However, a few years later, Schauss decided to repeat the experiments – only to find that Baker-Miller Pink didn’t have a calming effect on inmates after all. In fact, after conducting a test in an actual pink cell, he noticed no difference in inmates’ behavior. He was even concerned that the color could make them more violent. It should be noted Baker-Miller Pink is not a pale, gentle, pastel pink. Instead, it’s a bright, hot pink. Some 30 years later, psychologist Oliver Genschow and his colleagues repeated Schauss’ experiments. They carried out a rigorous experiment to see if Baker-Miller Pink reduced aggressive behavior in prison inmates in a detention center cell. Like Schauss’ later work, they found no evidence that the color reduced aggressiveness. That might have been the end of the discussion on the benefit of pink cells. But in 2011, a Swiss psychologist named Daniela Späth wrote about her own experiments with a different shade of pink paint. She called her shade “Cool Down Pink,” and she applied it to cell walls in 10 prisons across Switzerland. Over the course of her four-year study, prison guards reported less aggressive behavior in prisoners who were placed in the pink cells. Späth also found that the inmates seemed to be able to relax more quickly in the pink cells. Späth suggests that Cool Down Pink could have a variety of applications beyond prisons – in airport security areas, schools and psychiatric units. One British newspaper reported that prison guards were happy with the effects of Cool Down Pink, but prisoners were less so. The newspaper interviewed a Swiss prison reformer who said it was degrading to be held in a room that looked like “a little girl’s bedroom.”



 Herein lies the crux of the controversy. Opponents of the practice say that the implication that the color – with its feminine associations – will somehow reduce aggression is, in and of itself, sexist and discriminatory. Gender studies scholar Dominique Grisard has argued that the pink prison walls – regardless of whether they pacify – are ultimately designed to humiliate male prisoners. Famously, in the 1980s, the University of Iowa football team painted the visitors’ locker room at Kinnick Stadium pink. A 2005 refurbishment added pink lockers and even pink urinals. The reasoning behind using the pink shade, officially named “Dusty Rose,” was much the same as that of the prison wardens: The coach, Hayden Fry, believed it would curtail the aggression of the opposing players and allow the home team to gain a competitive edge. Yet like the prisons, this could be having the unintended, opposite effect. Some opposing players have reported being more fired up by the perceived insult of the pink locker rooms. And so the debate about the power of pink rages on. That hasn’t stopped some from trying to deploy pink to achieve tranquility in their homes. In 2017, model Kendall Jenner painted her living room Baker-Miller Pink – and raved about how it made her feel much calmer. Who knows how many of her army of fans have followed her advice. For my part – although I love pink – I shudder at the thought of a hot pink living room, no matter how powerful its calming effects.



Can pink really pacify? By Julie Irish. The Conversation , September 27, 2018.
 








Also interesting :


Films about luxury are often painted in exuberant colours, films about poverty in grey palettes. But a new generation of filmmakers in recent American indie films  claims pink for the underclass.

The Color of Money: Depicting Poverty from a New Perspective.  By Nicole Davis.  Mubi ,  September 24, 2018  



Researchers have found bright pink pigments in 1.1 billion year old fossils of cyanobacteria drilled in West Africa. 
Pink Was the First Color of Life on Earth.  By Jason Daley. Smithsonian , July 10, 2018.