Growing
up in Britain means encountering a certain kind of early 19th-century culture
as a given. Address book, china mug or wall calendar, the decoration is sure to
be that overloaded harvest wagon, The Hay Wain (1821), painted by John
Constable. Elsewhere, riffing comedians and headline writers crank out pun
after pun on the first line of William Wordsworth’s lyric poem, ‘I Wandered
Lonely as a Cloud’ (1804).
I
vividly remember the teenaged sense of cultural claustrophobia that can result.
These clichés were what we believed Romanticism to be, and they represented a
past whose continuity we wanted to break. They belonged among the knitted
teapot covers and potpourri sachets on the side tables of other generations’
lives. High school had taught us roughly when Romanticism was: from 1770, when
Ludwig van Beethoven, G W F Hegel and Friedrich Hölderlin were born, to 1850,
by which time Honoré de Balzac, Frédéric Chopin, Edgar Allan Poe and Mary
Shelley had died. But the curriculum made zero connection between the artefacts
it called ‘Romanticism’ and the realpolitik and real-life battles of Napoleonic
imperialism, the Italian Risorgimento, the nation-building that culminated in
1848’s Year of Revolutions across Europe and Latin America, or the gradual
abolition of slavery. Nor did we have any clue that Romanticism spoke directly
to debates that raged – and still rage – around our own lives, whether about
the violent resurgence of nationalism, or about identities and their associated
rights.
So of
course we had no sense of affinity with the radicalism and feelingful
impatience of those youthful iconoclasts, the Romantic protagonists themselves.
Their precocity passed us by: Felix Mendelssohn composing masterpieces as a
teenager – the Octet Op 20 at age 16, A Midsummer Night’s Dream Overture Op 21
at 17 – or Mary Shelley writing her second book, Frankenstein, when she was 19.
Admittedly, that great trio of second-generation poets – John Keats, Percy
Bysshe Shelley and Gordon, Lord Byron, all dead by 36 – would probably have
seemed old to us. (Mick Jagger may have read from Shelley’s Adonais at the
start of the Rolling Stones’ 1969 Hyde Park gig: but for my generation, this
too was antediluvian.)
And yet
a belief – not always fully rationalised – in the value of the direct and
unfettered underlay the movement, and could serve as a rallying call to a new
generation. Romanticism itself eschewed conventional pieties, from marriage to
the monarchy, in favour of immediate, intuitive thought; second-hand
scholarship for risk-all radicalism. Freshness of thought was the ‘blithe
Spirit’ with ‘unpremeditated art’, the ‘Wild Spirit, which art moving
everywhere; / Destroyer and preserver’ of Percy Bysshe Shelley’s ‘To a Skylark’
and his ‘Ode to the West Wind’, written in June 1820 and October 1819
respectively.
How
could such vibrancy have been reduced, within two centuries, to a genteel
wallpaper for life in the global North?
One
answer must be commodification, with its diminishing circle of repetition. It’s
an irony that arguably the most radical movement in European thought should
have been appropriated by the conservative forces of the market, but it’s also
predictable. Among the market’s instincts is to monetise proven success,
(literally) capitalising on already prepared appetites and cutting the costs of
risk. And Romanticism has been, put simply, a global success: ‘let me count the
ways,’ as that late Romantic, the poet Elizabeth Barrett Browning, puts it, in
Sonnets from the Portuguese #43. (Itself another of those Romantic fragments to
have attained the cultural reach of cliché.)
Romanticism
was the engine of the French revolution, of the more-or-less pro-democratic
revolutions of 1848, and of the successive formation of nation-states that
continued for another century to ripple across Europe to the borders of Russia
– and across every other continent where Romantic ideas about selfhood and
self-determination forced the retraction of European imperialism: as far as
Africa, Asia and the Indian subcontinent. Romanticism was the starting point of
experimental science. Much of today’s world – its cities and its countrysides –
are shaped by the agricultural and industrial revolutions that science informed.
The
German philosophers who were the movement’s patron saints, among them Hegel and
Immanuel Kant, shifted the terms of Western engagement with the world and its
understanding of the nature of experience. Artists and writers developed genres
of expressive realism – from the Bildungsroman to confessional verse – that are
still in mainstream use today, far beyond Romanticism’s European cradle. Above
all, in its regicidal turn from divinely ordained jurisdiction to authority
earned by the exercise of reason, Romanticism placed the human individual at
the centre of its universe. That human individual – not yet either a citizen or
a subject but an actor defined by their thoughts and actions – contained the
seeds of that other world actor without a hinterland, the 21st-century
consumer.
This
global reach is exceptional. On the other hand, it outreaches what we might
call brand recognition. While the movement itself embraced radical political,
cultural and intellectual transformation, brand Romanticism has been reduced to
products appropriated by a culture of nostalgia, reiteration and risk-less
familiarity. Tablemats reproduce landscapes by Constable and his great
contemporary, J M W Turner. Biopics retell the love lives and tragic deaths of
Keats and Lord Byron. Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein and his creature schlock
their way across popular culture, from graphic novel to comic movie turn. While
– and because – these have become cultural clichés, the revolutionary force of
the ideas underlying them has dropped away.
For
example, the affinities between Frankenstein’s naked creature, that literal
sans-culotte, and the peasantry whom the French Revolution was originally
intended to rescue from abjection have been forgotten, along with their
author’s early formation by her parents’ pro-Revolutionary philosophies. Yet
how audible it is:
“I felt
cold also, and half frightened, as it were, instinctively, finding myself so
desolate. Before I had quitted your apartment, on a sensation of cold, I had
covered myself with some clothes, but these were insufficient to secure me from
the dews of night. I was a poor, helpless, miserable wretch …””
A
generation earlier, the ‘roofless Hut; four naked walls / That stared upon each
other’ in Wordsworth’s ‘The Ruined Cottage’ (1797), the poem that eventually
became Book I of The Excursion (1814), is not Gothic picturesque, but a metonym
for the failed lives of the desperately poor. Constable painted underpopulated
landscapes not for aesthetic reasons but because the people who had lived there
until recently had been cleared away by the nation’s landowners. The infamous
emigrations that resulted from the era’s Scottish Highland Clearances and that
genocide by starvation, the Irish Potato Famine, were echoed in smaller scale
across Britain.
Still,
there’s nothing to indicate to the Sunday afternoon visitor, browsing the gift
shop at the exit of some English mansion, that its reproduction telescopes, or
glossy postcards of the parkland folly, are traces of violent social, political
and intellectual rupture: let alone of a period of historical shame. On the
contrary, they seem comfortingly to suggest a robustly established culture –
the one in which Jane Austen’s ever-popular novels, for example, are set.
These
comedies of manners acknowledge, and so illustrate for us today, the influence
Romantic thought was having on Austen’s contemporaries. Both her first
published novel Sense and Sensibility (1811) and the posthumous Northanger
Abbey (1817) – whose title alone signals gleeful Gothic pastiche – mock the
effects of Romantic ideas about love and emotion, or ‘sensibility’, on young
women in a marriage market that traded sexual charm for financial security. But
in Austen’s world Romanticism is a mere fashion, which will be long outlasted by
the economic self-protection and dynastic marriages that characterise what Noël
Coward could still, a century later, call ‘The Stately Homes of England’. (As
the economist Thomas Piketty has pointed out, Austen introduces her male
characters by their incomes, so defining – and fixed – are they.)
Of
course, Coward’s song, from his show Operette (1938), is waspish camp, as when
he trills:
The
Stately Homes of England,
How
beautiful they stand,
To prove
the upper classes
Have
still the upper hand
we
should not only note the sting in that last line, but hear behind it the 1827
original by the Romantic-era poet Felicia Hemans:
The
stately Homes of England,
How
beautiful they stand!
Amidst
their tall ancestral trees,
O’er all
the pleasant land.
When
Hemans published ‘The Homes of England’, in the widely read and influential
Blackwood’s Magazine, she gave it an epigraph from Sir Walter Scott’s Marmion:
A Tale of Flodden Field (1808): ‘Where’s the coward that would not dare / To
fight for such a land?’ (A grace-note: Scott’s verse-novel formed part of the
Celticism that made him famous across Europe.)
The
thrust of Hemans’s poem – there’s something special about ‘British values’ that
is worth fighting for – is familiar in today’s post-Brexit archipelago, where
an unpopular British prime minister can expect to seduce the electorate by
reintroducing pre-metric measurements, the aptly named imperial system. In her
essay ‘American Originality’ (2001), the US Nobel Laureate Louise Glück calls
this:
“the language of appeal that links Churchill
to Henry V, a language that suggests the Englishman need only manifest the
virtues of his tradition to prevail. These appeals were particularly powerful
in times of war, the occasion on which the usually excluded lower classes were
invited to participate in traditions founded on their exclusion.”
Hemans’s
poem had already embraced this doublethink. She brackets the idea that England
is ‘free’ and ‘fair’ with its polarisation of wealth – ‘hut and hall’ is the
tidy alliteration she comes up with – as if, far from a contradiction, this
were the correct order of things:
The
free, fair Homes of England!
Long,
long, in hut and hall,
May
hearts of native proof be rear’d
To guard
each hallow’d wall!
In other
words, like Austen (1775-1817), Hemans (1793-1835) was more Romantic-era than
Romantic. That distinction is conveniently missable today, when her florid
language sounds of a piece with the decorative role to which the movement is
relegated. Hemans had been born late enough to benefit from the radical ideas
about education and gender roles that Mary Wollstonecraft expounded in Thoughts
on the Education of Daughters (1787) and A Vindication of the Rights of Woman
(1792).
This
complex, metamorphosing and unstable social world was very different from the
fictional givens of Austen’s social round. Wider questions about society were
being pressingly posed by the French Revolution, just 20 miles away across the
English Channel; and by the work of political philosophers such as Wollstonecraft’s
soon-to-be husband William Godwin, whose An Enquiry Concerning Political
Justice, published in the year Hemans was born, advocated direct action against
traditional structures of Church and state, including the repudiation of
marriage. Such changeable social relations perhaps made it easier for a woman
to have a career as a published poet than hitherto. That it did not produce an
answering radicalism within Hemans’s work may mean nothing more than that she
was already taking a radical step in living as a writer.
But
there’s something else setting the teeth on edge here: something much more like
false consciousness, even denial. Hemans continues:
The
Cottage Homes of England!
By
thousands on her plains,
They are
smiling o’er the silvery brooks,
And
round the hamlet-lanes.
Thro’
glowing orchards forth they peep,
Each
from its nook of leaves,
And
fearless there the lowly sleep
As the
bird beneath the eaves.
Yet, as
she would have known perfectly well, early 19th-century cottages were unlikely
to ‘smile’ even through the mask of a transferred epithet. The Romantic era
arrived in a perfect storm of hardship for the British poor. Wealth
inequalities, already enshrined in the class system, were being underscored by
the onset of imperial expansion, which may have brought the wealth of the world
to Britain, but did not yet bring it to the majority of the population, whom it
instead impoverished relatively further still: when the rich have more money to
pay for things, the price even of staples rises. Underscored too by new
manufacturing and business wealth. The era’s fortune-making industrial
revolution was built on discoveries by the new Romantic science, from
map-making (the Ordnance Survey was established in 1791) to James Watt’s 1776
adaptation of a steam engine suitable for use in industrialisation. But the
labour that fuelled the industrial revolution was supplied by mass migration of
the rural poor, in a process that became the model for world industrialisation.
Peculiarly
British, though, was the application of Romantic ideas to an
already-accelerating para-legal process of Enclosure by estate landlords (aka,
the aristocracy), which now cleared ordinary people off the common land on
which their traditional subsistence farming had relied. Its twin motors were
the agricultural revolution, and the fashion for picturesque, sublime and
beautiful parkland. Once the gentry began to invest in the era’s new
agricultural methods and machinery – such as seed-drills and horse-drawn hoes
after the designs by Jethro Tull – they became eager to protect that
investment. Between 1815 and 1846 a series of tariffs on imported wheat and all
grains, the infamous Corn Laws, were enacted in the British Parliament: whose
Members were drawn from this class. The resulting cost and scarcity of the
staple food of the poor led to widespread destitution and starvation across
Britain.
Meanwhile,
since the 18th century, the same class had surrounded their ‘stately’ homes
with newly landscaped parks, conspicuous consumers of agricultural land that
formerly supported whole villages. Despite the social injustice this involved,
Romanticism aided rather than resisted the process. In 1757, Edmund Burke, that
Whig politician with a politically conservative legacy, had published his
influential essay in aesthetics, A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of our
Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful. Adopting these categories, British
Romanticism might have remained content to see them act upon the newly
significant, sensitive individual, were it not for a pair of Herefordshire
landowners.
In the
mid-1790s, Sir Uvedale Price and Richard Payne Knight joined the artist-pioneer
William Gilpin in advocating the picturesque, hitherto a principle of French
gardening, as a quality that could be discovered and arranged within the
landscape itself. Their legacy was to be not only the rise of the ultimately
democratic tourist industry, but also numerous newly enclosed parks that
imposed vistas of trees and lakes on the old ruled landscapes of strip farming.
It’s as
if the process of drawing the teeth of Romanticism’s radical ideas was underway
from the very outset. Real life sullied and seemed to contradict Romanticism’s
ideals. After being sent down from Oxford in 1811, the 18-year-old Percy Bysshe
Shelley stayed in mid-Wales with an uncle who had created just such a landscape
on his property:
Rocks
piled on each other to tremendous heights, rivers formed into cataracts by
their projections, & valleys clothed with woods, present an appearance of
enchantment—but why do they enchant, why is it more affecting than a plain, it
cannot be innate, is it acquired?
The very
next year saw the young radical in Ireland, pamphleteering for Irish autonomy
and the franchise for Roman Catholics; in 1813, with the publication of Queen
Mab, his Notes advocating pacifist vegetarianism appeared. Yet his lifelong
reliance on money from his Sussex estate-owning family meant complicity in the
era’s agricultural reforms, and in the aristocratic privileges surrounding the
baronetcy to which he was heir. Nor was his reliance on such social inequity to
enable his Romantic activity unique in what was also the era of Lord Byron’s
literary celebrity. A little later still, the abolitionist Barrett Browning’s
own family had profited from slavery.
And yet.
As individuals, we do our best among the contradictions of situatedness.
Barrett Browning used her literary fame to become a mouthpiece not only of
abolitionism in the United States, but of the Italian republican struggle. For
this, Florence buried her with full civic honours.
Five
years after that formative encounter with the picturesque in the mountains of
the Elenydd, we find Shelley composing ‘Hymn to Intellectual Beauty’ (1817),
one of the first poems of his maturity, in which not only picturesque
principles but the nature of experience itself are being worked out:
The
awful shadow of some unseen Power
Floats
though unseen among us; visiting
This
various world with as inconstant wing
As
summer winds that creep from flower to flower;
Like
moonbeams that behind some piny mountain shower,
It
visits with inconstant glance
Each
human heart and countenance …
For
Romanticism saw itself as not only a kind of High Table talking shop, but an
actual agent of change. Witness Shelley’s fury at the older Wordsworth,
fabulised in his 772-line Peter Bell the Third (1819), for selling out to the
status quo:
To
Peter’s view, all seemed one hue;
He was
no Whig, he was no Tory;
No Deist
and no Christian he, –
He got
so subtle, that to be
Nothing,
was all his glory.
…
He hired
a house, bought plate, and made
A
genteel drive up to his door,
With
sifted gravel neatly laid, –
As if
defying all who said,
Peter
was ever poor.
Yet in
settling their households in neighbourly community in the Lake District, Dorothy
and William Wordsworth, Samuel Taylor Coleridge, Robert Southey and Thomas De
Quincey created the precursor of those more radically reformed ideal
communities – from Portmeirion on the Welsh coast, to Uri in Switzerland – with
which the Shelleys and, to an extent, the Leigh Hunts and James Hoggs,
experimented – and to which 20th-century hippies and today’s off-grid
communities are heir. And it was Wordsworth’s collaborative friendship with
Coleridge that had from 1795 helped sew the ideas of German Idealist
philosophers including Hegel and F W J Schelling into the culture that
Shelley’s generation absorbed. Shelley’s reaction against the British poet
laureate who was his Romantic predecessor is itself a nice fit with Hegel’s
idea of history as dialectical progress.
And it
is Wordsworth, the elder poet, whose ecological and political awareness remains
most directly legible to us today: from ‘On Seeing Miss Helen Maria Williams
Weep at a Tale of Distress’ (1787), the poem he published at 16 declaring his
adherence to the new principle of ‘sensibility’, to his posthumous masterpiece
The Prelude (1850) – that portrait of the artist as a village. Drawing the
sting of psychological insight from Wordsworth’s ‘I wandered lonely’ or denying
Constable’s insight into the linked conditions of climate and labour leaves us
with little more than wildflowers in the English Lake District, or a cottage by
an East Anglian ford. Prettiness: that most vacuous of principles.
An
irony, then, to appropriate Romanticism to represent as a national specific,
let alone as some version of a ‘timeless’ rural Britain. Romanticism records
not the cosy continuity for which it is so often recruited: but the very moment
when that continuity was broken. But it’s not just the muddle of individual
human compromise that creates the vacuum in place of radical intention. The
rise of the alt-Right reminds us how politically dangerous it is to base a
nation’s view of itself on some version of a past that was white, feudal,
Christian. At the very least, a disarmed Romanticism resembles that anaesthetic
of political conservativism that the UK’s former prime minister John Major
sought to apply to the Conservative Group for Europe in 1993, when he
notoriously evoked:
long
shadows on county grounds, warm beer, invincible green suburbs, dog lovers, and
– as George Orwell said – old maids bicycling to Holy Communion through the
morning mist.
Which,
given Orwell’s own political vision, is a pretty bold reappropriation. But the
de-radicalisation of Romanticism hasn’t been achieved only by political
process. The market, too, has something of the conservative about it. Though it
trumpets the new, it thrives on settled habits of consumption. Repeating the
familiar suits it just fine. It may even prefer its consumers a little bored,
as they sleepwalk back to the gift shop.
Sleepwalk
to the gift shop. Romanticism once
radically challenged conventional pieties. Now it’s little more than marketable
schlock. What happened? By Fiona
Sampson. Aeon, July 8, 2022.